and its authority. The principle of this recognition, as laid down by the King of Portugal, is, that the obedience of a people is a proof of the legitimacy of the government. This is admitted to be the case in Chili, and the King expresses his perfect readiness to extend his national recognition to the other States of South America, when ever they come within the principle by which his present conduct has been governed. In the meantime, perfect tranquillity remains in Portugal; the Cortes still sit, and are uninterruptedly occupied in devising the best means for perpetuating the newly acquired constitutional liberty of their country.

The accounts from Ireland, we regret to say, are of quite as uncivilized a nature as any which it has been our painful duty hitherto to communicate. The appearance of the Marquis Wellesley has not abated one jot the malignant and disorganizing spirit of the different factions which divide and agitate that distracted country. Indeed, so far from it, that he seems himself likely to become, in some degree, the subject of fresh contention. We are led to this remark, from no slight experience of the people of Ireland, and from observing that the Corporation of Dublin have congratulated Mr. Goulburn on his coming into office, and condoled with Mr. Saurin on his going out, but they have cautiously abstained from any allusion whatever to his Excellency. This, to say the least of it, is neither very complimentary, nor very hospitable; but we hope it will teach his Excellency in time, that a compromise with the Catholics, by the prohibition of orange toasts, and with the Protestants, by the creation of an orange Baronet, is not the way to conciliate either. The state of party spirit now in Dublin may be gathered from the trumpettongued fact, that the committee appointed to arrange the grand conciliation dinner in commemoration of his Majesty's visit, have been compelled publicly to relinquish their trust in despair. The avowed reason for this, has been the failure of an experiment to introduce some Roman Catholic freemen into the guild of merchants in Dublin-the result was inevitable, and such as must have been foreseen by any man in his

senses-an explosion of orange loyalty took place, and a triumphant majority scouted the attempt, with a spirit worthy the descendants of King William, (we mean, his Irish descendants.) The consequence of this has been orange, and, indeed, demi-official dinners, in which we have been told, that even the loyalty avowed did not amount to more than a conditional declaration. The Catholics, to do them justice, had not been roused to any very extraordinary reactive exertion. The leaders are putting forth their annual manifestoes of policy, and the lower orders are preparing work for future special commissions. It is quite melancholy to read the accounts from the interior-the heart sickens at them-take two for an example. A clergyman of the church of England has been shot at the head of an armed military body, by another military body, who supposed him an enemy! The second instance is, if possible, worse ;—a body of the Yeomanry seized a poor illicit distiller-his neighbours went to rescue him-the army threatened to kill their prisoner if his friends persisted, and actually put their threat in execution!! They shot, in broad day light, the wretched creature, and afterwards actually fired sixty rounds of ball cartridge amongst the peasantry. This is related in all the Irish papers, without a comment! We turn gladly from the subject.

The King will open Parliament in person; great preparations are making in the department of the Horse, and in that of the Lord Chamberlain; it promises to be a very stormy Session. The agriculturists have taken the field already, and petitions against the present state of things are pouring in from many Counties; it is thought some experiment will be tried on the fund holders. All the clerks have suffered a considerable reduction in many of the public offices. Is this beginning at the right end? It is said that the Lords of the Treasury have it in contemplation to suspend all Exchequer or other processes, for the collection of any arrears of taxes due, and unpaid by individuals, or from parishes, previous to the 5th of April, 1816. We do not think they will lose much by this retrospective liberality.

THE expectation of obtaining some relief from the distress which threatens to ruin the Agriculturist, gives an intense interest to the approaching meeting of Parliament. The county of Norfolk, so distinguished for its cultivation and opulence, has been convened by the high Sheriff; and resolutions, and a petition founded on those resolutions, have been agreed upon in the fullest assembly of proprietors and substantial yeomanry that has ever been known there. It is a singular trait in the proceedings, that the requisition originated with, and was signed by about sixty of the tenantry, some of great, and all of considerable wealth, of solid practical knowledge in Agriculture, and of the first respectability in point of character and habits. There was no difference in opinion as to the cause of the evil. TAXATION was admitted, even by Mr. Wodehouse, the ministerial Member, to be the prevailing source of distress. That gentleman, himself a very active member of the Agricultural committee, said, speaking of the report, that "there never was a document, less suited to the condition of the country; there was, throughout the whole, such a mixture of matter, such a dexterous chaos, a reference to parallel where there was no parallel; an application of analogy where there were no circumstances in the least degree analogous, that the report was any thing but what might be desired." Much useful information relative to the state of Norfolk Agriculture was previously published in that County. From these accounts, which were derived from authentic and most respectable sources, and which hear strongly upon the national as well as the local case, it appears :-that to bring the farmer to the level of 1790,

Rent must be lowered nearly 50 per Cent.

Tithes...

Labour

Rates.

........

65

50

80

75

50

45

By this process, it is clear that every man's income or means of life would be reduced to about one half; and, in some instances, (the Clergy) more than one half of their present amount. Were this the whole of the evil, it would soon be found light, because all things would thus accomMon. Reg.

Here then is a clear reduction of nearly one half the entire total of Agricultural income; and, considering the manner in which the averages are known to be taken, it is only a fair computation to reckon that it is reduced one half; 1812 was the year of the greatest prosperity; but when Colquhoun's prices are regarded, it will be seen that his estimate must have been very low indeed; the published prices of wheat assigning 123s. 8d. (he has taken only 70s. 6d.) as the average at that time, and every other species of grain bore a similar proportion. Thus the real power of the country to sustain the weight of taxation was greatly beyond what he estimated it, (viz. as 123 to 76) for concerning the reve nue there could be neither exaggeration nor diminution.

In 1812, according to the same authority, which in this instance is founded upon official returns to parliament, it appears that the net revenue of the country was 65,231,068. It seems from the documents printed by Mr. Hume, from similar sources, that the expenditure of the year ending January 5, 1821, was 53,340,1137.

The inevitable conclusion, then, is that Agricultural production is now charged with a weight of taxation double, according to Colquhoun's statements, but, in fact, in a much heavier ratio than in 1812. The Agricultural production then realized 217 millions, and paid its proportion of 65millions, the whole production of the country being computed to be 430 millions; Agricultural production is now only 108 millions, and pays the same proportion of

C

53 millions. The real proportions we have shown were much more favourable to the Agriculturist, but we accept the division of Colquhoun, and this must satisfy the country at large that no arrangement short of an enormous reduction of the public expenditure can meet the exigencies of the

case.

With these views of the subject, the most liberal determination of EARL FITZWILLIAM, in respect to his tenantry, coincides. That nobleman has lowered his rents from thirty-five to forty-five per cent, according to circumstances, and he signified to his tenantry, at his audit, that prices must return to a peace level. Lord John Russell has also addressed a public letter to the Agriculturists of Huntingdonshire, in which he anticipates that the present ministers will ere long give up the landed interest to the political economists, who advocate a free trade; and his Lordship founds his belief on their desertion of their opinions relative to the paper circulation, and their manifest relaxation in regard to the Catholic question. The cause is however as obvious as the effect. It resides in the open intercourses of the world, and the progress of knowledge; the impolicy of antiquated restrictions is now clearly seen and understood.

In addition to these circumstances, Lord Stourton has published another letter, and Sir John Sinclair a short address, in which he recommends the abolition of the warehousing clause, an imposition of 10s. upon wheat imported, at the rate of 80s. per quarter, a change in the system of averages, and the erection of a general board of agriculture, manufactures, and commerce, where all questions connected with the national industry shall be discussed. This plan the Baronet conceives would put an end to jealousy, and render the means

of promoting the extension and improvement of Agriculture the most important department of the government.

As the matter now stands, it becomes fairly a question of political economy, and as it seems to us, is divided between two alternatives; first, to reduce the interest of the public debt, by a disastrous and dishonourable compromise with the public creditor; secondly, by great national measures to increase production, through the employment of those paupers who are now consumers only. We need scarcely say, we incline to the latter plan, and believe it to be perfectly feasible. The example of the parish of Terrington, in Norfolk, where the poor's rate has been all but abrogated by the allotment at a rent of twenty-two acres of land to those claiming parish allowances, is a sufficient proof of what may be done by such means; and when it is known and considered that of seven millions disbursed in poor's rate six are paid by the country, and one only by large towns, the practicability becomes the more apparent. Even the large towns might be relieved by the adoption of some extended application of the same principle perhaps by Mr. Owen's plan.

The nation at large will learn with regret, that it is probable the Holkham sheepshearing meeting will be suspended this year, in consequence of the lamentable distresses of the Agriculture interest.

The actual operations of the field have this month been few. In the strong land, the turnips have suffered injury from the rains.

The wheats are flourishing, and unless checked by future frost, will vegetate luxuriantly; the prices of wheat have advanced a trifle; long wool had also more demand, and is selling from 26s. to 28s. per tod. Jan. 24, 1822.

ON reviewing the results of the foreign trade of the kingdom during the preceding year, we are not able to discover so considerable an improvement as might have been wished, and as we believe some persons expected at the commencement of the year. The foreign trade of the country has been gradually falling off, owing to causes which are generally understood, and were in a great measure anticipated, as the natural effects of the restoration of peace, which would, of course, restore commerce to a more natural state, by enabling foreign nations to resume their share, of which they had been deprived by the war. As a proof how far this has been

the case, we may observe, that on examining the statements of the vessels arrived during 1821, at the principal ports of the Continent, from the East Indies, Brazil, Cuba, St. Domingo, &c.; we find no less than 516 vessels bringing their cargoes direct to the place of consumption, which formerly came to England, and were reshipped for the Continent. The high charges in this country have a very detrimental effect on commerce, and the amount of foreign produce and manufactures warehoused and bonded here for exportation is annually decreasing. We are, however, inclined to consider the present prospects of the country in this respect as more cheer