CHAP. 1647 Irritation in the army. July 16. Expectation of a Scottish invasion. The Agitators wish to march on London. of Crom well and Ireton. Presbyterians, and it undoubtedly roused the indignation of the army, especially as, in spite of the Parliamentary Ordinance, the Reformadoes still swarmed in the City. At the same time the expectation of a Scottish invasion took so firm a hold on the minds of the soldiers that on July 16 Fairfax spoke of it to the King. Moreover, it was known that Colonel Doyley, who had formerly commanded Fairfax's lifeguard, had presented himself at Bristol without any authorisation from the commander-inchief, and had demanded the submission of the garrison.2 3 The first result of these alarming rumours was that the Agitators appeared on the 16th before the Army Council with a demand for an immediate march on London. They found much support amongst the officers, but they were strenuously opOpposition posed by Cromwell and Ireton. Cromwell, indeed, was ready to admit that obedience to Parliament had its limits, but he argued strongly that force ought only to be employed in the last resort, and that the time for employing it had not yet arrived. There was, he thought, still room for amicable negotiation.1 Ireton, to whom, together with Lambert, had been entrusted the preparation of the proposals to be presented to the King, as it was hoped, with the good-will of Parliament, was against the use of force lest it should hinder a good understanding with the Houses. "Whatsoever we get by a treaty," said Cromwell, "it will be firm and durable, it will be conveyed over to posterity as that that will be the 1 Letter of Intelligence, July 19, Clarendon MSS. 2,556. 2 Fairfax to Lenthall, July 16, Clarke Papers, i. 162. 3 Representation of the Agitators, July 16, ib. i. 170. 5 Ib. i. 197, 202. CROMWELL PLEADS FOR PATIENCE. greatest honour to us that ever poor creatures had, that we may obtain such things as these are that we are now about: and it will have this in it too, that whatsoever is granted in that way, it will have firmness in it. We shall avoid that great objection that will lie against us that we have got things of the Parliament by force, and we know what it is to have that stain lie upon us."1 . 155 CHAP. not LII. 1647 hopes. "For my own part," said Cromwell, "perhaps I Cromwell have as few extravagant thoughts. of obtaining sanguine, great things from Parliament as most men; yet it hath been in most of our thoughts that this Parliament might be a reformed and purged Parliament, that we might see men looking at public and common interests only."2 Now that the eleven but has had left their seats, the friends of the army had been gaining ground, and it would be doing them an ill service to bring an armed soldiery to their aid. "That which you have by force," he added, later in the course of the discussion, "I look upon it as nothing. I do not know that force is to be used except we cannot get what is for the good of the kingdom without force. . . . I wish we may respite our determination till . . . four or five days be over; till we see how things will be."3 At last Cromwell A final closed the discussion by an argument which admitted no reply. "If," he said, decidedly, "you be in the right, and I in the wrong; if we be divided, I doubt we shall all be in the wrong.. The question is singly this: whether or no we shall not in a positive way desire the answer to those things before we march towards London, when perhaps we may have the same things in the time that we can argumen CHAP. 1647 Cromwell has his way. Presbyterians abandon the struggle. July 19. Fairfax to command all the forces. July 21. Deserters disbanded. July 20. The eleven ask leave to go 1 march. Here is the strictness of the question." Cromwell, as might be expected, had his way, and the demands of the soldiers were transmitted to Westminster, unaccompanied by any threatening demonstration. As Cromwell had judged, enough had been done to secure the acceptance of the requirements of the army. On the 16th and on the following days a considerable number of Presbyterian members asked for leave of absence and abandoned the struggle.2 On the 19th the Houses placed under Fairfax's command all the forces in their pay in England and Wales, and on the 21st they ordered the disbandment of all deserters from his army.3 By the final disappearance of these men the army lost those disintegrating elements which had prevented its cohesion as a thoroughly Independent body. The first result of the vote which placed all members military authority in the hands of Fairfax, was that the eleven members, perceiving that their designs were now incapable of accomplishment, asked and obtained leave to go beyond sea, and also permission abroad. 1 Clarke Papers, i. 209. The body in which this discussion took place is in this report spoken of as a Council of War. It was, however, properly a full army council, as Agitators were present. The phrase council of war was used indiscriminately. Yesterday," we are told of this very council, "there was a great Council of War called ... consisting of officers besides Agitators; who now, in prudence we admit to debate, and it is not more than necessary they should be, considering the influence they have upon the soldiers, and the officers we hope have such an interest in them, as if any of more fierce disposition amongst them moderate not their reason, the officers can command it; and I can assure you it is the singularest part of wisdom in the General and the officers so to carry themselves considering the present temper of the army." Letter from the army, July 17, ib. i. 214. 2 C.J. v. 245; Letter of Intelligence, July 22, Clarendon MSS. 2,559. 3 L.J. ix. 338, 342. THE FINAL DEMANDS OF THE ARMY. 157 LII. 1647 to postpone their defence for six months, although, CHAP. on the 28th, they had sent in a preliminary answer to the charges against them.1 Satisfac Four In the army the news that the Houses were in a tion in more conciliatory temper gave lively satisfaction. the army. On the 18th the Parliamentary commissioners at Reading were informed that the proposed terms of accommodation would be completed in a few days. On the 19th the army forwarded to the Parliament July 19. four requests accompanied with an announcement requests. that, if these were granted, nothing more would be asked. Prisoners held in captivity without having been subjected to a lawful trial were to be set at liberty; a declaration was to be issued against the invitation of foreign troops; the army was to be constantly paid; and the old Parliamentary Committee was to take the place of the new City Committee in the command of the London militia.2 So satisfied was Fairfax that all danger was at an end, that, on the 22nd, when he removed the head-quarters July 22. to Bedford, he suffered his cavalry to be scattered of headover a stretch of country which reached from Bristol quarters. to Newark,3 Removal attitude. Cromwell had done his best, even when violating Cromwell's a constitution which had been equally disregarded by his opponents, to preserve at least an outward respect for Parliamentary forms. Both he and the Presbyterians were anxious to substitute government by discussion for government by the sword; but the way to that consummation was blocked by Charles, with whom government by discussion was impossible. 1 C.J. v. 251; Rushw. vi. 628; A Full Vindication and Answer, E. 398, 17. This is said to have been drawn up by Prynne. Burgoyne to Sir R. Verney, July 25, Verney MSS. 2 L.J. ix. 339. 3 A Diary, E. 400, 22. CHAP LII. 1647 July 17. Ireton's constitu tional scheme before the the Army. Cromwell and his military allies perceived clearly that the securities with which the Presbyterians thought to bind Charles were utterly inadequate. He was now seeking, with scant prospect of success, to devise other securities which might prove more satisfactory. To gain standing ground for this he had used force to repel threatened force. Unfortunately those who once appeal to force have a tendency to appeal to it again, and it comes to be regarded first as a necessary evil and ultimately as a salutary remedy for public mischiefs. The constitution as it stood in Elizabeth's day had long been broken up, and there was no general agreement as to the principles on which it was to be reconstructed. Every man craved for a peaceful settlement, but, in the midst of the general distraction, they who had the longest swords were able to make their voices heard the loudest. It was now Ireton's turn to try whether he could in reality win the King's assent to some form of real constitutional government. On July 17 his scheme Council of was laid before the Council of the Army, and on the 18th a committee consisting of twelve officers and twelve Agitators, with leave for Cromwell to be present when he can,' was named by Fairfax to put it into shape.1 Though Parliament had not yet been consulted, the King appears to have been allowed to have an inkling of the terms about to be offered to him, and a few changes had been made-too readily as some of the Agitators thought-in consequence of his suggestions.2 As the scheme was now prepared 1 Clarke Papers, i. 211, 216. 2 According to Putney Projects, p. 14 (E. 421, 19), the first draft deprived the King of that negative voice-the right of refusing the royal assent to bills-to which he was so much attached; and had also excluded Royalists from office for ten instead of for five years; |