No. 259.

PRICE FOURPENCE.

REVIEWS

The Doctrine of the Church of Geneva: Second Series. Edited by the Rev. J. S. Pons and the Rev. R. Cattermole, B.D. London: Treuttel & Co.

We see much good in the occasional introduction of well-selected specimens of foreign theology. "The communion of the saints" is a noble article of the Christian creed. It is founded in the deepest laid principles of human nature, and rises and branches out into a variety of consequences, which become both arteries and ligatures to the universal church. Circumstanced as the Christian world now is, a communication of sen

timent and opinion is especially required. The spirit of inquiry and independence, which separates the family into its branches, is not to be mistaken for the stern, cold, and inharmonious spirit of schism. But when the channels of intercourse are few, or are stopped up, both are regarded with the same eye, and made amenable to the same judgment. A sense of unjust treatment is thus inspired into almost every distinct church or sect: intolerance, the cruel and insane vice of the powerful, becomes that of the weak as well as the strong; and the difference of opinion, which, to a certain extent, follows perhaps as a necessary consequence of the free operation of thought, is made the nurse of the most unnatural of enmities.

The Church of Geneva is venerable from ancient associations, and interesting from a vast variety of later circumstances. It was long the hospitable refuge of the most learned and conscientious of English scholars and reformers: it manifested the first effects of Scriptural teaching, as opposed to that carried on by emblems and traditions. Its annals form an epitome of ecclesiastical history; and a lesson may be learned from them of the utmost importance to every reformed church in christendom,

But a vast change, we fear, has taken place in Protestant Geneva, since it was the cradle of evangelical doctrine,-the causes and gradual progress of which would form a subject worthy of minute attention; and lay open, if properly handled, a series of the most striking views. Not a city in the world

could at one time boast such a concentration of worth and talent within its walls as did Geneva. Calvin, Knox, Martyr, Bullinger, and a score of others, each of whom was sufficient to fill a community with knowledge and energy, lived there in brotherhood. The academy they established was justly regarded by the reformers, in every part of Europe, as the strongest bulwark of their opinions; and discipline, rejecting almost all outward form and ceremony, became there, for the first time in the world, a thing of pure mind and principle. The first circumstance which

led to the decline of learning at Geneva, was the rise of universities in neighbouring states, as at Leyden, Utrecht, &c. In severe observance of the doctrines established by the fathers of its church, it long remained faithful and zealous. The controversy which it held with Arminius strengthened its fundamental principles; and its triumph in the celebrated Synod of Dort appeared to establish it permanently as the very centre of orthodoxy. But it gradually lost the strength which it possessed in early times; and there were no outward sources from which to recruit it. Foreign churches began to enjoy repose, and required all the learning and piety they could nurse into existence to keep them standing. The fervent, thoughtful zeal which had made men strong as gladiators in controversy, gave way to a soft affectation of refinement. Theologians, properly so called, no longer existed. The vast learning which the reformers found it useful to acquire, and which they walked as easily under as a knight of old under the armour that no one now could support, was sacrificed to a worldly spirit, which can never consort with profound erudition. In spite of experience of positive, indisputable example-it began to be supposed that a man, full of high and farsought knowledge, could not be so good a teacher of religion to the humble as one with scarcely any. The clergy easily took the suggestion from one end of Europe to the other, and, practising a rare species of self-denial, ceased to enjoy themselves in the wide fields of inquiry. Those of Geneva, of England, and every other church, have felt the consequence of this, and must still feel it, till the mighty throes of the community, undergoing a new birth, warn the priesthood of its danger. We know enough of the present system of educating the clergy in this country, to explain much of what to many is a mystery; and in whatever provinces reform is necessary, in nothing is it more necessary than in the examinations for orders. There is no fear but that the English church may always be supplied with preachers, and the passage to its sanctuary may, therefore, be now very safely straitened. Let a degree of learning then be required of candidates for orders, which will frighten all but clear-headed and truth-loving scholars from its portals, and there will be both safety and respectability; Geneva has been differently circumstanced from England; but it has, like her, lost that consciousness of standing pre-eminent among the churches which was fostered by the piety and erudition of her chiefs. Of this truth, the volume before us affords a strong indication; and though we are glad that it has appeared, we confess we rise from its perusal with the regretful feeling that the present divines, as well as those of England, have lost the spirit which gave force and unction to the language of divinity. We shall select, how

ever, a passage or two from what appears to us one of the best discourses in the selection, and as approaching nearest to the line of thought which it becomes a teacher of Christianity to cultivate. The sermon is one of Cellérier's, and on the study of Scripture by students of theology. He thus speaks of its effects on the mind:

"If you feel the force of the principle which I have been unfolding, you cannot but observe that there results from it a further urgent motive to the habitual study of Scripture. What other secret, indeed, could you discover, to familiarize yourselves with the truths and with the language of the Bible? You know the influence of habit upon the mind; you are aware to what an extent a particular study, pursued constantly and by choice, is capable of modifying the intellectual being, till at length it becomes the mould in which the whole intellect is fashioned; you may conceive, therefore, what effects the important study now recommended ought to produce in you, when it is followed up as a cherished occupation, and a relief from every other. It will store your memory with simple and forcible maxims, with touching arguments, with instructive facts, with sublime expressions, which in a short time will seem the natural language of your lips. It will enrich your imagination with an immense treasure of lively figures, noble or graceful images, and energetic forms. It will present you with an abundance of models of grave and popular eloquence-such eloquence as you must make your own, if you would subdue men's wills, by exalting their thoughts and aims, without touching the dangerous springs of passion, which your office does not permit you to approach. It will make familiarly your own that multitude of thoughts and feelings profusely scattered through the sacred writings, which for so many ages have imparted consolation and vigour to those who read them. The Bible, more than any other book, will acquire and maintain an influence other book, it finds its way to the inmost self, over your character; because, more than any and awakens every latent feeling and energy. Where is the reflective reader, who, when occupied in its perusal, never stopped short on meeting with some striking passage, pregnant with deep meaning, the whole extent of which his eager mind strove in vain to embrace? Previously, perhaps, he saw nothing in the book but the plain discourses of plain men, couched in rude and artless language; now, however, like the husbandman, whose ploughshare, while pierchas lighted upon some majestic idea that arrests ing the soil, has struck against a treasure, he and amazes him-a single word, it may be, which at once opens to him the fathomless depths of the human heart, or a statement which lays bare to his view the most awful counsels of God,— or the cry of a soul whom faith has transported to heaven,-one, in a word, of those sublime truths, which we search for laboriously and often vainly in the writings of sages, but which are everywhere to be found without searching, in those of the Galilean fishermen."

The following contains a forcible warning against some prevailing errors, and affords a

good example of the earnest style of the preacher :

"My Brethren-why should I hesitate to say it? when we reflect upon the career on which you are now entering, and on what you will there meet with, it is impossible but that, having the care of directing your first steps, we must often be uneasy respecting your future course. We know what dangers threaten you,-what seductions, what errors, what snares, may impede or destroy you. May not presumption overtake you-that bane of men of ability, to which the preacher is but too liable? or cold indifference, which too often comes with business, habit, and years? Will you stand firm against Rationalism, which, disguised under a specious show of free inquiry, withers both faith and feeling, and defeats the work of Christ? against fanaticism, which, full of furious zeal, and setting up an exclusive claim to the Gospel, at the same time mistakes its true spirit and maxims, and blackens its Divine features? Some of you, perhaps, in passing from under our care, will be occupied with burdensome affairs, foreign to their vocation-will they be able still to remain faithful to their Master, and not to neglect his work? Others will be exposed to the want of aids and instruction necessary for their labours; and what will be the consequence, should unlookedfor circumstances require them to display their attainments, and contend for their faith? Many will be called to officiate in venerable churches, where they will find admirable examples and hallowed remembrances. They will meet also with communities rising into life, as in the times of the Apostles-with a spirit to re-animate faith and rouse the lethargic-with congregations hungering and thirsting for the word. They will encounter there many toils and many dangers, a wide field, and an abundant harvest to get in. Will they be prepared for circumstances so serious and duties so important furnished with all the zeal, the self-denial, the charity and prudence, which are requisite in the Apostles of our time? Alas! who is sufficient for these things?" Deeply interested as we are in the Church's welfare, and in yours, how is it possible that our bosoms should be altogether free from inquietude, when we look forward over the arena into which our children in Christ Jesus are descending?

"And yet, Brethren, I can truly declare, that, were we sure you would study the Holy Scriptures-study them assiduously, thoroughly, from choice we should feel but little anxiety as to what might befall you. We could, at least, reckon upon your zeal and your faith! You might, indeed, notwithstanding, occasionally slacken in your exertions; but a heavenly guide would be at hand to raise and sustain you. You might be thrown into difficulty by unexpected circumstances; but you would have ready the needful supply of strength and light. You would still, no doubt, be exposed to errors and extremes; but with the conscientious and sincere study of the Bible, your mistakes would be less injurious: their source would determine their limits; and, instead of being expressed in the language of contempt, and backed by anathemas, they would, in all probability, be overruled and 'covered' by charity."

We conclude with the following interesting anecdote of Le Clerc :

"The following simple and touching expressions will furnish you with a proof, from experience, of the exalted pleasure which the theologian may derive from his labours; although the great Leclerc, whose sentiments they record, is much less known for his sensibility than his learning. He often seems, in his commentaries, to be deficient in those qualities of mind which are necessary to admire and feel the sacred writings; nevertheless, when an old man, at the end of a life abounding in troubles, full of erudi

....

tion, but weary of disputes, he thus commenced the preface to his New Testament:"In composing this translation, .... he says, as I meditated with more attention than ever the Divine original, I felt myself filled with admiration and comfort; and those feelings which occupied me diffused so much satisfaction over my mind, that I was well requited for all my labours. At every page I thanked the Divine goodness, which, without waiting for the great day of recompense, rewarded me even now.... This occupation, while it has diverted my mind from subjects which ordinarily inflame the passions, sioned me to pass so many agreeable hours, that I could have wished, when it was near coming to an end, that it would recommence, and never cease until it shall please the First Author of

has occa

this book to call me to witness the full accomplishment of the promises which he has given us in it. To confess the truth, I am so weary of all those other labours, to which the condition of human things often calls literary men in spite of themselves, that the pen has a thousand times dropped from my hand while employed upon them, and I have inwardly said: When will that happy day arrive, when we shall no more be occupied in any pursuit unworthy either of the excellence of that nature which we have received from God, or of those Divine promises which he has made to us in his Gospel? When shall we cease to study the opinions and the language of men, and to read the chimerical notions which they have left, or the scandalous history of their disorders and their crimes? How long shall we see the sun rise and set upon labours of which we shall be ashamed, when that light arises that will never set?"

This volume may be read with satisfaction and profit; but it unfortunately too nearly resembles, both in style and matter, the productions of the lower school of English theology, to raise our opinion of the present Geneva divines.

Our Island: comprising Forgery, a Tale; and The Lunatic, a Tale. 3 vols. London: Bull.

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THE author's object, "in presenting these tales to the public, has been," in his own words, "to illustrate some striking defects of our jurisprudence;" and accordingly he proceeds to the exposure of some of those anomalies which have so long disgraced the administration of our laws relating to forgeries and lunatics. In his prosecution of this purpose, we cannot award him a much higher praise than that of a certain cleverness, good deal of shrewd observation, and a degree of technical information, which, though, after all, of a very ordinary kind, raises a sort of impression that he is one of the "learned in the law." There is, however, a looseness in his style, an absence of tact in the arrangement of his incidents (themselves of the most inartificial, not to say bungling, character), and, altogether, a want of closeness and plausibility in the narrative, which (not to mention that there are parts of his legal machinery in which he is either blundering, or fails to explain himself clearly), strip him, before the conclusion, of the benefit of his gown, or take from him the advantage of his certificate. The professional knowledge employed in these tales is, in fact, such as a person of ordinary observation and cleverness would pick up from an attendance upon our courts of law, a diligent perusal of our newspapers, or the run of an attorney's office. Notwithstanding all this, they contain a good

deal that is entertaining, and, occasionally, very interesting, and impress us with the conviction that the author has in him many of the qualities, and much of the material, for producing something a great deal better. There is an occasional feeling that the exceeding looseness and inartificiality of his facts are owing to carelessness rather than want of skill; and, more than once, an attempt at analysis of character, poorly managed, and afterwards applied to no good or consistent purpose, which, nevertheless, leaves a kind of belief that the writer has more power than he has thought it worth his while to throw away upon us.

The first story, entitled 'Forgery,' is that of a young man of wealth and family, who is seduced into its commission by circumstances the most improbable; and these circumstances are created for him by the persevering hatred of an apostate puritan, from motives the most inadequate, and by means the most absurd. Nothing can be more bungling than the whole contrivance of the uncancelled mortgage: and the explanation of the persecuting puritan, (from which it by no means appears clear whether he considered the equity of redemption to reside in his enemy or in the mortgagee,) is one of those inaccuracies, either of carelessness or error, to which we have alluded. The other tale (The Lunatic,') is that of an ardent young man, strongly excited by the liberal politics of the nineteenth century; and, in consequence, (and for no other reason,) pursued as a lunatic by a Tory father, of the kindliest disposition, but whose conduct on this occasion would, assuredly, had it been made the subject of a legal inquiry as affecting his mental condition, have disabled jury in the world from pronouncing that verdict of acquittal which they gave in favour of his son.

any

There are scenes in the work of considerable power, and, had we not been a trifle in arrear, we might have given an illustrative

extract.

THIS is no ordinary work-and we have spoken of the former volumes with that warm commendation which they so well deserved.

The one fault was the insufficient infor

mation to be collected from them, relating to the government, the laws, religion, and the customs of the country,-that which forms what may be properly called the philosophy of history. At that time, we were not aware that the author intended to include all relating to those important subjects in this fourth volume, which is now before us, and wherein the state of the civil, religious, and literary institutions of Spain, up to the sixteenth century, is considered in a lucid and interesting manner, though with grievous if the majority of English writers had but prejudice. However, we may still say, that shown a tithe of the knowledge exhibited in this work, the Spaniards would have had less reason to complain of their absurd blunders, when speaking of the institutions, customs, and history of their country.

The importance of the present work, and particularly of this volume, is such, in our opinion, as to require from us a summary of

its contents, with such brief general observations, as may serve to convey an opinion of the manner in which the author has treated the subject.

It opens with an account of the state of Mohammedan Spain, in which, in our opinion, too much is said of the Mohammedan religion, and too little of a most important subject, the causes which contributed to the fall of the Mohammedan power in the Peninsula. The author ought in this chapter to have considered and explained how and why it was, that the Christians, less civilized, much weaker, and not less divided than their enemies, could always preserve their conquests, and at last extend their dominions from sea to sea, while the Mohammedans, after the ninth century, could never maintain themselves for any length of time in those places, which their valour and the fortune of war won a second time from the Christians. Even the splendid victories of Almanzor gave to the Mohammedans but a short possession of the reconquered territories, which Ferdinand the First not only recovered, but paved the way for his son, who entered Toledo itself as victor, and established the christian power from the Cantabric sea to the Guadiana. It would have been as interesting in a philosophical as in an historical point of view, to have discussed the causes which contributed to the triumph of the cross over a power which had at its command, not only the resources of so much of the Peninsula as it ruled over, but was backed by those of Asia and Africa. What follows in this chapter, relating to the state of literature, science, and art, amongst the Spanish Arabs, is extremely interesting. The writer has wisely availed himself of the Bibliotheca of Casiri, a very useful work, which first made known to the world some of the literary treasures of the library of the Escurial-a work, the publication of which, in conjunction with Conde's History, ought to have proved to him and others, the injustice of upbraiding the Spanish government with indifference towards and neglect of those manuscripts. The truth is, that Casiri and Conde, as well as Father La Torre, Bacas Merino, Scidiac, Lozano, and others, were for many years employed by that government, to hunt out and publish such papers as could be found in the Library of the Escurial, relating to the Arabs. We may on some future occasion speak further upon this subject.

The second part of this volume contains the state of Christian Spain, up to the fifteenth century. After a general description of the geographical limits of the different Christian states, the writer begins with the following startling assertion, (p. 47,) "The Government of all the Christian states was absolute; but in two it was originally elective, in the rest always hereditary." Now, we must observe, that the first part of this statement has no necessary connexion with the second, because absolute governments may be elective as well as hereditary; but the assertion itself, that all the Christian states of Spain were absolute, will startle even the Apostolicals, who have never yet ventured to commit themselves so boldly and uncompromisingly. The only apology for, and explanation of this extraordinary passage, is what the writer states, (p. 3,) that the "governments were absolute and not despotic." This distinction we do not understand-on referring to John

son, we find that absolute power is "not limited power," and that despotic is "absolute in power.' Webster also says, that an absolute government is that which is "unlimited by extraneous power or control." Does the author of the History of Spain then mean to assert, that the government of the Christian states of Spain was at that time "unlimited by extraneous power or control"? In spite of the evident bias which he has shown throughout, to underrate the degree of liberty enjoyed by the Spaniards, up to the sixteenth century, his own work contains the most striking facts, in contradiction of such an opinion. The writer, indeed, with no little inconsistency, says afterwards, that the Arragonese possessed greater liberty than any other people in the Peninsula-why, if all the governments were absolute, how could they enjoy any liberty at all? When we observe the blind bigotry with which so learned and sensible a man contrives to overlook the consequences which must naturally be deduced from the facts stated in his own work, we cannot but repeat what he says, with glaring injustice, when speaking of Marina, "the power of prejudice is inconceivable."

Returning now to the question, whether the governments of Spain were hereditary or not, we are somewhat surprised at the writer's dogmatical assertion on the subject

he does not even refer to those facts which have been adduced to prove, that at least in some kingdoms the government could not be considered as hereditary before the twelfth century. A writer of history ought, indeed, to have said something about the causes which even subsequently contributed to change the order of succession in more than one kingdom. In Castile, for instance, Sancho the Fourth, son of Alphonso the wise, was declared king by the Cortes, though two sons of his elder brother Don Fernando de la Cerda were living: so, in 1366, the Cortes gave the crown to the illegitimate Henry the Second, and he was eventually king, though the daughters of his elder brother were living: we see also, in 1406, the Cortes offering the crown to the Infante Don Fernando, whose brother the late king left a son, which son reigned only because his uncle refused to accept the crown;-and lastly, Isabel la Catolica was Queen of Castile, though Henry the Fourth, her brother, had left a daughter. These may be considered as exceptions to a rule, or those kings considered as usurpers and in fact the author calls them so; but they are of too much importance to be altogether overlooked, when speaking of the right of inheritance in Castile.

We must, too, correct the writer on another point connected with this same subject. At p. 156, when speaking of Sancho, son of Alphonso the Tenth, (called, by a typographical error in the following page, Sancho the First, instead of the Fourth), he says, that after the death of his father, the throne was his by inheritance. Could the writer have forgotten, that the two sons of his elder brother were living, and that the throne was theirs by inheritance, in the strict meaning of the word?

We have, next, a very interesting account of the civil and military dignities and offices of the Spanish governments; and here the writer copies several passages from an article in the Edinburgh Review, upon the same subject, and impugns the opinion of the re、

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viewer, who thought that Adalid was a commander of soldiers, and not a simple guide. The authors says, (p. 60,) "merely their guide he was, and no more, notwithstanding the dogmatic tone of the assertion." Now, notwithstanding the "dogmatic tone" of the no more" of our author, we believe he is in error. Floranes, a man intimately conversant with Spanish history, wrote a dissertation on this subject, in which he proved by numerous quotations, that up to the close of the fourteenth century, the Adalides were commanders of troops, corresponding to modern captains, and from that time to the sixteenth, they were chiefs or captains of the levies raised in these territories, where the war was carried on, to act as scouts. Royal Academy have adopted this opinion, and in their dictionary, Adalid is defined to be Caudillo de gente de guerra, so that the Edinburgh reviewer is right after all. It is, indeed, we believe, beyond question, that the Adalid Mayor was, what is now called quarter-master-general; and the author's opinion, that the Adalides were selected from the inferior ranks of the army, is assuredly an error, it having been proved by Floranes, that even military knights of Santiago were provisionally appointed to the office.

The

After this, the writer speaks of the administration of the law; but here, besides applying to Spain some forms of administration, which we suspect were never heard of on the other side of the Pyrenees, he has omitted altogether to take into account the judicial power exercised by the magistrates elected by the towns, and so well described in the Discurso histórico-crítico sobre la antigua legislacion de Castilla, n. 164 and 165. Our limits will not permit us to enter into a lengthened discussion on this important subject, but we must oppose to the broad assertion of the writer, that justice was always administered by judges nominated by the crown, the fact, that in the thirteenth century the Cortes complained of judges being sent to administer justice in the name of the king, as contrary to their privileges, and that Sancho the Fourth was obliged to promise in the Cortes of Palencia, 1286, that he would recall them, and leave the administration in the hands of the municipal magistrates, as it had been before.

The writer subsequently gives some valuable extracts from the celebrated Wisigothic code, of which, however, he speaks more harshly than he ought, because he examines it by the light of the nineteenth century, and not according to the state of knowledge at the time it was promulgated. We agree with Gibbon, who, after condemning the severity with which Montesquieu had spoken of it, adds, "I dislike the style; I detest the superstition; but I shall presume to think, that the civil jurisprudence displays a more civilized and enlightened state of society, than that of the Burgundians, or even of the Lombards."

The writer next proceeds to speak of the origin of the poblaciones and the provincial charters-of the municipal corporations and their Fueros-of the forms of compurgation, &c.--and thus descends to the time of the formation of the code of the Partidas. This part of his work is very valuable, and the analysis given of that celebrated code is excellent. We regret, however, that he has not explained more fully the causes of those

difficulties which prevented Fernando from establishing, as he desired, his new and improved laws, and the ill success of Alphonso, who, after having formed the Siete Partidas, had not power sufficient to cause it to be generally observed the facts would have shown, that the Kings of Castile were far from being absolute, when such powerful monarchs could neither prevail upon, nor compel, the people to receive and obey new laws.

The history of the Cortes follows-and, after reading the chapter, we should never have believed that the writer had seen Marina's Teoria de las Cortes, if he had not mentioned the work: assuredly, he ought to have given some reason for disbelieving the facts adduced by an author, whose accuracy, talents, and integrity, are admitted even by his apostolical impugners, however willing they may be to dispute the conclusions he has deduced from them. If, indeed, the writer has read the original work, and not some bad French translation, which is the case with those of Conde and Ferreras, he has done so with strange prejudice, for he is not aware that no doubt now exists, that the deputies of towns were called to the Cortes before 1188; it is, indeed, proved by the acts of that of 1169, called by Alphonso the Eighth. We almost regret that our limits forbid us entering into a discussion with the writer, on the view he has taken of the popular representation of Castile and Arragon-either he is not sufficiently well informed on this subject, or, which we suspect, he began his inquiry resolved to disbelieve all that was contrary to his theory. Having made up his mind that the governments of Spain were absolute, it is not very extraordinary that he should say little about that power which long controlled kings, and more than once deposed them. It is possible, that we may return to this subject on the publication of the fifth volume; but in the meantime, we must warn our readers not to trust, without examination, anything that is said relating to the early constitutions of Spain.

The chapter on the state of literature, science, and arts, before the sixteenth century, is extremely well written-we could, indeed, have forgiven the writer, had he confined himself more strictly to his subject, even though we should have lost his account of miracles and other erudite and entertaining matters: but, assuredly, he ought to have consulted the excellent notes to the Spanish translation of Bouterwek, which, besides furnishing much valuable matter towards perfecting this chapter, would have saved him from the error he has committed, by following Masdeu, when speaking of the Cid. That celebrated writer opposed himself to Father Risco, because he could not find the manuscript Latin chronicle, written in the twelfth century, which Risco professed to have seen at Leon. Now, in the notes of the Spanish translation of Bouterwek, there are not only official documents, to prove that the chronicle exists at Leon at the present moment, but a fac-simile of the beginning of it is there given. The last chapter, on "the Church," is the best in the volume. There is, however, one error which we cannot pass over; the writer gives, as he states, for the information of those "not versed in monastic history," an account of the origin of the "God-like" Order of Mercy for the redemption of Chris

tian captives, which is copied from that maga- | painter, as she wanted a couple of pictures of zine of nonsense, the Roman Breviary. Now that description, he replied, that considering Richard Wilson as the best painter of landscapes, we do not profess to be well "versed in monastic history," yet we can inform the writer, he recommended him. The lady then desired that he would accompany her to the painter's that he has here fallen into a most extraorhouse. He accordingly went with her, and found the artist at home. The lady desired to see some specimens of his skill, and Wilson had luckily not sent home two pictures which he had just finished, and brought them to her. Peters said he was afraid that Wilson's bold style and rough colouring would not be suitable to the female taste, and that the lady would not be duly impressed with the grandeur of his conceptions, that he, therefore, placed them at some distance, in order to make them appear to more advantage. The lady, however, happened to be struck with them, and gave him a commission to paint two landscapes, at a liberal price, on subjects chosen by himself. As Peters was going to hand the lady into her carriage, not intending to return with her, Wilson whispered that he wanted to speak to him. Peters, of course, returned with him. Wilson, after thanking him warmly for his kind recommendation, told him he was so distressed, that if Peters would not lend him ten guineas, he could not fulfil the order, as he had no money to buy colours or canvas. Peters promised he would send the money to him as soon as he reached home. Peters assured me that the distress of this great artist produced a strong effect upon his mind; for if Wilson, who was decidedly the best painter in his province of art, was so reduced, what must he expect who had so many rivals of distinguished talent in the line of portrait?"

dinary error: he does not appear to have been aware that there were two orders established for the redemption of captives, with very different statutes--the one, that of Mercy, a Spanish order founded by Saint Peter Nolasco; and the other, a French one in its origin, called the Order of the Trinity, and founded by Saint Felix de Valois, and Saint John de Mata, not Julian. The account he has given is of the order of the Trinity, and not of that of Mercy.

There are other errors in this volume, such as assuming that the University of Palencia existed under Alphonso the Tenth, and that it was a different one from that of Salamanca; whereas, the University of Palencia was removed to Salamanca under Alphonso the Ninth, because he thought the situation better suited for the purpose, and consequently did not exist at Palencia under Alphonso the Tenth. We have observed also, an omission in the article on the Spanish Theologians, where the greatest of all, Tostado, is altogether forgotten. One other observation, and we have done -not only in this but the former volumes, there are some geographical blunders, of which we will now point out two which occur within three pages: thus, (p. 44,) we are informed that Alphonso the Third extended his dominions to the Duero, in Estremadura. Now the Duero is not in Estremadura: the province of Salamanca, and the greater part of that of Zamora, are between them. Again, (p. 46,) it is said, that Portugal in its original limits, as governed by Henry of Besanzon, the first count, extended only from the Minho to the Duero, and the court was held at Coimbra. But this city being several miles to the south of the Duero, we must believe either that the limits of Portugal extended farther to the southward than the writer states, or that the court was established several miles out of the limits of the territory, which is not very probable.

We fear being thought tedious, and therefore conclude, although not without regret -the subject is one of great importance; the work is every way deserving a full and critical examination; and we would willingly have broken a lance with so able a man on so important a subject as the ancient government and constitutions of Spain.

Records of my Life; by the late John Tay

lor, Esq. author of Monsieur Tonson.' 2 vols. London: Edward Bull. THE author of Monsieur Tonson' was known to so many persons, and so generally considered an amiable and pleasant man, that any record of his life is likely to be read with avidity; and as this work will not be published for some days, or perhaps weeks, we think it well in this early notice to confine ourselves to extracting from its abundant stores of anecdotes.

Wilson the Painter." Mr. Peters told me, that besides the propriety of resigning his academical honour, he was induced to relinquish, his profession of an artist by the following circumstance: A lady of quality having requested he would recommend her to a good landscape

Reddish the Actor." Reddish, who was a very respectable actor at that time, when not much passed the prime of life, became insane, and never recovered. I saw him in St. Luke's Hospital, and found him flattering himself that he should be able to resume his profession, and fulfil his engagement with the manager of Coveut Garden Theatre. It was lamentable to observe the alteration in his person, manners, and attire. The change in the former might easily be accounted for, as he was necessarily contined to spare diet. He always dressed in his sane state like a gentleman, but in Bedlam he had all the tinsel finery of a strolling actor, or what is styled 'shabby genteel.' He seemed to be drinking a bowl of milk, which, though several visitors were present, he appeared eagerly to gobble like a hungry rustic."

"His insanity took place soon after an unlucky occurrence at Covent Garden, the first night of his engagement. He appeared in the part of Hamlet, and in the fencing scene between him and Laertes, Whitfield, who performed the latter character, made so clumsy a lunge, that he struck off the bagwig of Hamlet, and exposed his bald pate to the laughter of the audience. In conversing with him in Bedlam, I soothed him by telling him that I was present at the scene, and that though the accident had a risible effect, the audience knew the fault was wholly to be ascribed to the awkwardness of his competitor. The mortification, however, made so strong an impression on his mind, that he never appeared on the stage again, and, I heard, ended his days in the infirmary at York. He was the second husband of Mrs. Canning, the mother of our late eminent statesman, Mr. George Canning."

Mrs. Inchbald-This lady was latterly censured by her theatrical, and even her private friends for her penurious habits. Mr. Taylor, on the strength of old friendship, ventured to tell her so by letter, and received the following answer, which does equal ho

nour to the head and heart of the writer.

My dear sir,-I read your letter with gra titude, because I have had so many proofs of