CHAP.
XLII.

527....565.

CHAP. XLII.

State of the Barbaric World....Establishment of the Lombards on the Danube.... Tribes and Inroads of the Sclavonians....Origin, Empire, and Embassies of the Turks.... The Flight of the Avars....Chosroes I. or Nushirvan, King of Persia.... His prosperous Reign and Wars with the Romans.... The Colchian or Lazic War.... The Ethiopians.

OUR estimate of personal merit is relative to the common faculties of mankind. The aspiring efforts of Weakness genius or virtue, either in active or speculative life, are of the em- measured, not so much by their real elevation, as by the Justinian, height to which they ascend above the level of their age pire of A. D. or country: and the same stature, which in a people of giants would pass unnoticed, must appear conspicuous in a race of pygmies. Leonidas, and his three hundred companions, devoted their lives at Thermopyla; but the education of the infant, the boy, and the man, had prepared, and almost ensured, this memorable sacrifice; and cach Spartan would approve, rather than admire, an act of duty, of which himself and eight thousand of his fellowcitizens were equally capable.' The great Pompey might inscribe on his trophies, that he had defeated in battle two millions of enemies, and reduced fifteen hundred cities from the lake Mæotis to the Red Sea:2 but the fortune of Rome flew before his eagles; the nations were oppressed by their own fears, and the invincible legions which he commanded, had been formed by the habits of conquest and the discipline of ages. In this view the character of Belisarius may be deservedly placed above the heroes of

1 It will be a pleasure, not a task, to read Herodotus (1. vii.c. 104. 134. p. 550 615). The conversation of Xerxes and Demaratus at Thermopyle, is one of the most interesting and moral scenes in history. It was the torture of the royal Spartan to behold, with anguish and remorse, the virtue of his country.

2 See this proud inscription in Pliny (Hist. Natur. vii. 27). Few men have more exquisitely tasted of glery and disgrace; nor could Juvenal (Satir. x.) produce a more striking example of the vicissitudes of fortune, and the vanity of human wishes.

the ancient republics. His imperfections flowed from the
contagion of the times; his virtues were his own, the free
gift of nature or reflection; he raised himself without a
master or a rival; and so inadequate were the arms com-
mitted to his hand, that his sole advantage was derived
from the pride and presumption of his adversaries.
Under his command, the subjects of Justinian often
deserved to be called Romans; but the unwarlike appel-
lation of Greeks was imposed as a term of reproach by
the haughty Goths; who affected to blush, that they must
dispute the kingdom of Italy with a nation of tragedians,
pantomimes, and pirates. The climate of Asia has indeed
been found less congenial than that of Europe, to military
spirit: those populous countries were enervated by luxury,
despotism, and superstition; and the monks were more
expensive and more numerous than the soldiers of the
East. The regular force of the empire had once amount-
ed to six hundred and forty-five thousand men: it was
reduced, in the time of Justinian, to one hundred and
fifty thousand; and this number, large as it may seem, was
thinly scattered over the sea and land; in Spain and Italy,
in Africa and Egypt, on the banks of the Danube, the
coast of the Euxine, and the frontiers of Persia. The
citizen was exhausted, yet the soldier was unpaid; his
poverty was mischievously soothed by the privilege of
rapine and indolence: and the tardy payments were
detained and intercepted by the fraud of those agents
who usurp, without courage or danger, the emoluments
of war. Public and private distress recruited the armies
of the state; but in the field, and still more in the presence
of the enemy, their numbers were always defective. The
want of national spirit was supplied by the precarious
faith and disorderly service of Barbarian mercenaries.
Even military honour, which has often survived the loss.
of virtue and freedom, was almost totally extinct. The
generals, who were multiplied beyond the example of
3 Тpaix85.
εξ ών τα πρότερα εδινα ες Ιταλίαν ήκοντα
είδον, οτι μη τραγωδός, και ναυτας λωποδυτας. This las: epithet of
Procopius is too nobly translated by pirates; naval thieves is the proper
word: strippers of garments either for injury or insult (Demosthenes contra
Conon. in Reiske Orator. Græc. tom. ii. p. 1204).

CHAP.

XLII.

CHAP.
XLII.

tate of the Barbarians.

former times, laboured only to prevent the sucsess, or to sully the reputation of their colleagues; and they had been taught by experience, that if merit somtimes provoked the jealousy, error, or even guilt, would obtain the indulgence of a gracious emperor. In such an age, the triumphs of Belisarius, and afterwards of Narses, shine with incomparable lustre; but they are encompassed with the darkest shades of disgrace and calamity. While the lieutenant of Justinian subdued the kingdoms of the Goths and Vandals, the emperor, timid, though ambitious, balanced the forces of the Barbarians, fomented their divisions by flattery and falsehood, and invited by his patience and liberality the repetition of injuries. The keys of Carthage, Rome, and Ravenna, were presented to their conqueror, while Antioch was destroyed by the Persians, and Justinian trembled for the safety of Constantinople.

Even the Gothic victories of Belisarius were prejudicial to the state, since they abolished the important barrier of the Upper Danube, which had been so faithfully guarded by Theodoric and his daughter. For the defence of Italy, the Goths evacuated Pannonia and Noricum, which they left in a peaceful and flourishing condition: the sovereignty was claimed by the emperor of the Romans; the actual possession was abandoned to the boldness of the first invader. On the opposite banks of the Danube, the plains of Upper Hungary and the Transylvanian hills were possessed, since the death of The Gepi Attila, by the tribes of the Gepida, who respected the Gothic arms, and despised, not indeed the gold of the Romans, but the secret mode of their annual subsidies. The vacant fortifications of the river were instantly occupied by these Barbarians: their standards were plant

dæ.

4 See the third and fourth books of the Gothic War: the writer of the Anecdotes cannot aggravate these abuses.

5 Agathias, 1. 5. p. 157, 158. He confines this weakness of the emperor and the empire to the old age of Justinian; but alas! he was never young.

6 This mischievous policy, which Procopius (Anecdot. c. 19.) imputes to the emperor, is revealed in his epistle to a Scythian prince, who was capable of understanidng it. Ayar жрoμnin xal arxiv8satos, says Agathias (1. v. p. 170, 171).

XLII.

ed on the walls of Sirmium and Belgrade; and the ironical CHAP. tone of their apology aggravated this insult on the majesty of the empire. "So extensive, Ó Cæsar, are your do“minions; so numerous are your cities; that you are "continually seeking for nations to whom, either in peace. "or war, you may relinquish these useless possessions. "The Gepida are your brave and faithful allies; and if "they have anticipated your gifts, they have shewn a just "confidence in your bounty." Their presumption was excused by the mode of revenge which Justinian embraced. Instead of asserting the rights of a sovereign for the protection of his subjects, the emperor invited a strange people to invade and possess the Roman provinces between the Danube and the Alps; and the ambition of the Gepida was checked by the rising power and fame of the LOмBARDS. This corrupt appellation has been diffused in The Lomthe thirteenth century by the merchants and bankers, the Italian posterity of these savage warriors; but the original name of Langobards is expressive only of the peculiar length and fashion of their beards. I am not disposed either to question or to justify their Scandinavian origin; nor to pursue the migrations of the Lombards through unknown regions and marvellous adventures. About the time of Augustus and Trajan, a ray of historic light breaks on the darkness of their antiquities, and they are discovered, for the first time, between the Elbe and the Oder. Fierce, beyond the example of the Germans, they delighted to propagate the tremendous belief, that their heads were formed like the heads of dogs, and that they drank the blood of their enemies whom they vanquished in battle. The smallness of their numbers was recruited

7 Gens Germanâ feritate ferociore, says Velleius Paterculus of the Lombards ii. 106). Langobardos paucitas nobilitat. Plurimis ac valentissimis nationibus cincti non per obsequium sed præliis et periclitando tuti sunt (Tacit. de Moribus German. c. 40). See likewise Strabo (1. vii. p. 416). The best geographers place them beyond the Elbe, in the bishopric of Magdeburgh and the middle march of Brandenburgh; and their situation will agree with the patriotic remark of the count de Hertzberg, that most of the Barbarian conquerors issued from the same countries which still produce the armies of Prussia.

8 The Scandinavian origin of the Goths and Lombards, as stated by Paul Warnefrid, surnamed the deacon, is attacked by Cluverius (Germania Antiq. 1. iii, c. 26. p. 102, &c.) a native of Prussia, and defended by Grotius (Prolegom. ad Hist. Goth. p. 28, &c.) the Swedish ambassador.

bards.

XLII.

CHAP. by the adoption of their bravest slaves; and alone, amidst their powerful neighbours, they defended by arms their high-spirited independence. In the tempests of the north, which overwhelmed so many names and nations, this little bark of the Lombards still floated on the surface: they gradually descended towards the south and the Danube; and at the end of four hundred years they again appear with their ancient valour and renown. Their manners were not less ferocious. The assassination of a royal guest was executed in the presence, and by the command, of the king's daughter, who had been provoked by some words of insult, and disappointed by his diminutive stature; and a tribute, the price of blood, was imposed on the Lombards, by his brother, the king of the Heruli. Adversity revived a sense of moderation and justice, and the insolence of conquest was chastised by the signal defeat and irreparable dispersion of the Heruli, who were seated in the southern provinces of Poland. The victories of the Lombards recommended them to the friendship of the emperors: and at the solicitation of Justinian, they passed the Danube, to reduce, according to their treaty, the cities of Noricum and the fortresses of Pannonia. But the spirit of rapine soon tempted them beyond these ample limits; they wandered along the coast of the Hadriatic as far as Dyrrachium, and presumed, with familiar rudeness, to enter the towns and houses of their Roman allies, and to seize the captives who had escaped from their audacious hands. These acts of hostility, the sallies, as it might be pretended, of some loose adventurers, were disowned by the nation, and excused by the emperor; but the arms of the Lombards were more seriously engaged by a contest of thirty years, which was terminated only by the extirpation of the Gepide. The hostile nations often pleaded their cause before the throne of Constantinople; and the crafty Justinian, to whom the Barbarians were almost equally odious, pronounced a partial and ambiguous

9 Two facts in the narrative of Paul Diaconus (1. i. c. 20.) are expressive of national manners: 1. Dum ad tabulam luderet....while he played at draughts. 2. Camporum viridantia lina. The cultivation of flax supposes property, commerce, agriculture, and manufactures.