Where they are no further visible, they have been covered probably by the alluvion of the Cephissus, which river crossed the Long Walls about the middle of their length'. The southern Long Wall, having passed through a deep vegetable soil, occupied chiefly by vineyards, is less easily traceable, except at its junction with the walls of Phalerum, and for about half a mile from thence towards the city. Commencing at the round tower which is situated above the northwestern angle of the Phaleric bay, not far eastward of the gate by which the town of Phalerum was entered from Athens, it followed the foot of the hill, along the edge of the Phaleric marsh, for about 500 yards; then assumed, for about half that distance, a direction to the north-eastward, almost at a right angle with the preceding: from whence, as far as it is traceable, its course is exactly parallel to the northern Long Wall, at a distance of 550 feet from it. There can hardly be any doubt that the Long Walls continued to follow the same direction throughout the plain, from the foot of the Phalero-Peiraic hill to the heights connected with the summits of Museium and Pnyx, forming consequently, through the greater part of their extent, a wide street, which led from the centre of the maritime city exactly in the direc

That the river pursues its ancient course is proved by an inscription discovered at Athens about the year 1834; see Appendix XX. There was always, therefore, a bridge or ford of the Cephissus, on the road to Athens, from the Peiræeus, and this probably was the διάβασις τοῦ Κηφισσοῦ, where, according to Xenophon, the heroic augur was buried, who devoted hiraself to death in aid of the victory of Thrasybulus over the forces of the Thirty in Peiraeus. See above, p. 386.

tion of the Acropolis. Excavations in the alluvial part of the plain might possibly discover foundations of the Long Walls along a great part of their

extent.

The Long Walls having been enclosed at the two ends by the walls of the Asty and of the Peiraeus, formed an inclosure, which was one of the three great garrisons of Athens, and which, in this light, was sometimes denominated the Long Fortress, τὸ μακρὸν τεῖχος'.

TO

1 . . . ἡ δὲ βουλὴ ἐξελθοῦσα ἐν ἀποῤῥήτῳ συνέλαβεν ἡμᾶς καὶ ἔδησεν ἐν τοῖς ξύλοις· ἀνακαλέσαντες δὲ τοὺς στρατηγοὺς ἀνειπεῖν ἐκέλευσαν, ̓Αθηναίων τοὺς μὲν ἐν ἄστει οἰκοῦντας ἰέναι εἰς τὴν ἀγορὰν τὰ ὅπλα λαβόντας· τοὺς δ' ἐν μακρῷ τείχει εἴς γε Θησεῖον· τοὺς δ' ἐν Πειραιεῖ εἰς τὴν Ἱπποδαμίαν ἀγοράν· τοὺς δ ̓ ἱππεῖς ἔτι νυκτὸς σημῆναι τῇ σάλπιγγι ἥκειν εἰς τὸ ̓Ανάκειον· τὴν δὲ βουλὴν εἰς ἀκρόπολιν ἰέναι κἀκεῖ καθεύδειν· τοὺς δὲ πρυτάνεις ἐν τῇ θόλῳ. Andocid. de Myster. p. 22, Reiske.

The distribution of the Athenian forces of which Andocides here speaks, occurred in the Peloponnesian war, when parties running very high between the Four Hundred and their opponents, the Boeotians advanced to the frontiers, to take advantage of the confusion. The places of assembly for those who bore arms were, for the cavalry, the temenus of the Dioscuri, and for the infantry the following stations: In the Asty, the Agora; in the Long Walls, the Theseium; and in the Peiraic city, the Hippodameian Agora: the senate were to pass the night in the Acropolis, and the Prytanæ in the Tholus. Here it may be remarked, 1. That the Long Walls are called the Long Fortress, Tò μaкpòv TEIXOS. Livy, in like manner (31, 26), translating perhaps the τεῖχος. TEIXOS of Polybius, describes it as as the murus qui brachiis

duobus Piræeum Athenis jungit. 2. That the Theseium mentioned by Andocides was not the celebrated temple of Theseus in the city, but another sacred inclosure of Theseus in the Long Walls for, although we know from Thucydides (6, 61), that the Theseium of the city, like the Anaceium and Odeium, was occasionally a place of assembly for troops; yet, in this instance, the defence of the longomural inclosure being the intention of the

When the greater part of the population of Attica crowded into Athens, at the beginning of the Peloponnesian war, the towers of the Long Walls, and of the two cities, furnished dwellings to the unfortunate fugitives from the open country'. The long narrow space between the two walls was thickly inhabited, as long as the walls subsisted. Of this there is no clearer proof in history than that contained in the lively picture drawn by Xenophon of the distress of the Athenians, when they received advice of the defeat of their fleet at Egospotami'. The Paralia brought the news in the night. "Then a sound of lamentation was heard spreading from the Peiræeus through the Long Walls to the city, as each person communicated the intelligence to his neighbour. No one slept that night; for they not only lamented the loss of those who had perished, but feared still more that the Lacedæmonians would reta

assembling of the troops in the Theseium, that object could not be attained by removing them out of the Long Walls into the city. The Theseium of the Long Walls was doubtless one of the four mentioned by Plutarch (Thes. 35). There was a third, as we have seen, in Peiraeus. Thucydides, indeed, in the passage just cited, indicates a plurality of Theseia, by specifying the Theseium mentioned by him to have been within the city (v Θησείῳ τῷ ἐν πόλει).

Polyænus (1, 40, § 3) distinguishes the three military divisions of Athens not less clearly than Andocides. He informs us that Alcibiades kept the Athenian troops on the alert, by ordering that whenever he should raise a torch in the Acropolis, it was to be answered by torches from the city, from the Long Walls and from the Peiraeus-βουλόμενος τοὺς φύλακας τοῦ ἄστεως καὶ τοῦ Πειραιέως καὶ τῶν Σκελῶν τῶν ἄχρι θάλασσαν ἀγρύπνους περὶ τὴν φυλακὴν κατασκευάσαι, &c.

1

Thucyd. 2, 17.

2

Xenoph. 2, 2. § 3.

liate upon them, what they themselves had done to the Melii, a Lacedæmonian colony, and to the Histiæenses, and Scionai, and Toronæi, and Æginetæ, and many other people of Greece." The next day, in a general assembly, it was resolved to fill up all the ports except one, to repair and garrison the walls, and to make every preparation for a siege. They had little time, however, for these measures: the two Spartan kings were speedily encamped in the Academy; Lysander, with a hundred and fifty triremes, sailed unopposed into the Peiraeus; and the Athenians, after suffering the torments of famine for several months, were constrained, upon a second reference to Sparta, to give up all their ships, except twelve, to consent to the destruction of the Long Walls and the walls of Peiræeus, and to submit to see their ships burnt and their walls overthrown by the Lacedæmonians to the sound of musical instruments1.

1

1 Xenoph. Hellen. 2, 2, § 23. Lys. c. Agorat. p. 453, Reiske. Andocid. de Pac. cum Laced. p. 94. Diodor. Sic. 13, 107. Plu

tarch. Lysand. 15. Alcib. 37.

Chandler (p. 22) has supposed that ten stades of the Long Walls were allowed to stand at either end; but the concurring testimonies of the authors cited above, show that, according to the treaty, the whole extent of the Long Walls, and all the circuit of the Peiraic city, were to be subverted. Chandler's mistake seems to have arisen from the expressions of Xenophon, who informs us (ibid. § 15), that the first proposal of the Lacedæmonians was to throw down (not all the Long Walls, except ten stades at each end, but) ten stades of each of the Long Walls.—προὐκαλοῦντο δὲ τῶν μακρῶν τειχῶν ἐπὶ δέκα σταδίους καθελεῖν ἑκάτερον. But the people then refused to listen to an offer which they would afterwards have gladly accepted. The language of Lysias (1. 1.) is still more explicit than that of Xeno

6

There has been considerable difficulty in reconciling the conflicting testimony of ancient authors as to the number of the Long Walls of Athens, whether two or three. In this, as in some other questions of Athenian topography, it is by an examination of dates that the true solution of the problem is obtained. There was, it seems, a third Long Wall, for about thirty years, and no longer. No more than two Long Walls are mentioned or alluded to by Andocides, Plato, Xenophon3, Æschines1, Lysias3, or by Livy following Polybius. The words oxidŋ or brachia, often employed by later authors, cannot be applied to more than two, and this number agrees with present appearances, which clearly show the connexion of the one with the fortifications of the maritime city on the Phaleric side, and of the other on the Peiraic side. On the other hand, Thucydides, although he notices only the completion, soon after the battle of Tanagra (B. C. 457), of two walls, one to Peiraeus, the other to Phalerum ', refers, when he afterwards describes the measures taken for the defence of Athens at the beginning of the Pelo

phon. Θηραμένης . . . . ἐκ Λακεδαίμονος . . . . ἦλθε φέρων εἰρήνην τοιαύτην ἣν ἡμεῖς ἔργῳ μαθόντες ἔγνωμεν ἦν γὰρ ἀντὶ μὲν τοῦ ἐπὶ δέκα στάδια τῶν μακρῶν τειχῶν διελεῖν, ὅλα τὰ μακρὰ τείχη διασκάψαι· ἀντὶ δὲ τοῦ ἄλλο τι ἀγαθὸν τῇ πόλει εὑρέσθαι, τὰς δὲ ναῦς παραδοῦναι τοῖς Λακεδαιμονίοις καὶ τὸ περὶ τὸν Πειραιᾶ τεῖχος περιελεῖν.

7

'De Pace cum Lac. p. 91. 93. Hellen. 2, 2, § 15.

C. Agorat. p. 451. 453.

2 Polit. 4, 14.

4 De Fals. Legat. p. 335. 336.

6

31, 26.

Ἤρξαντο δὲ κατὰ τοὺς χρόνους τούτους καὶ τὰ μακρὰ τείχη ἐς

θάλασσαν ̓Αθηναῖοι οἰκοδομεῖν, τὸ Φαληρόνδε καὶ τὸ ἐς Πειραιᾶ. Thucyd. i. 107, 108.