borough, I became attached to, and learned how highly to appreciate that class of the community which constitutes the true nobility of this country. I need hardly say that I shall never cease to remember my birth-place with pride as well as affection, and with still more pride shall I recollect the steady, unqualified and generous confidence which has been reposed in me by its inhabitants. With unfeigned regret, gentlemen, that I am unable to accept the invitation you have communicated in such kind and flattering terms, please to accept for yourselves and to communicate to my fellow-citizens, whose organs you are on this occasion, the assurance of my warm thanks and sincerest interest in whatever relates to their prosperity and happiness, individually and collectively.

I am, gentlemen, with the highest respect, your friend and obedient servant,

TIMOTHY WYMAN, Esq.

FRANKLIN PIERCE.

The course of Mr. Pierce in the Senate was such that he won encomiums from all quarters. Said the Boston Post of June 19th, 1849:

"New-Hampshire has just cause of pride in her youthful Senator. To a grace and modesty of manner, which always attract when he addresses the Senate, he has added severe application to business, and a thorough knowledge of his subject, in all its relations, and hence it is, though one of the

youngest, he is one of the most influential in the distinguished body of which he is a member. Without seeking popularity as a debater, Mr. Pierce, in the quiet and untiring pursuit of public duty, and the conscientious discharge of private responsibility, has acquired a permanent reputation, which places him among the most useful and efficient public men in the country."

Said the editor of the New England Puritan, a religious journal:

"Of Franklin Pierce, I cannot do otherwise than speak well; for it happened to me, during a short term of official service in Bowdoin College, during the Presidency of Dr. Allen, to know him as a scholar there, and while resident in this region, to know him as a Senator. A very frank, gentlemanly, unobtrusive man is he, strongly devoted to his political principles, kind and constant in his friendship, venerating the institutions of religion, and while living here attending upon the most evangelical preaching in the city."

Mr. Pierce was known in the Senate as an advocate of an economical administration of the Government, a strict construction of the constitution-in fact, he was a thorough republican of the old Jefferson school.

The following speech was delivered by him in the U. S. Senate, July 14th, 1840, upon the subject of the National Defences:

SPEECH

ON THE DEFENCES OF THE COUNTRY.

Mr. Pierce, in behalf of the committee on Military Affairs, asked to be discharged from the further consideration of "the memorial of Gen. Edmund P. Gaines, proposing a system of national defence, and praying its adoption by Congress." And also from "the memorial of the Military Convention, holden at Norwich, Vermont, praying for the revision and alteration of the system of military defences of the United States."

Mr. P. said the inquiry had been repeatedly made, "What are the views of the committee upon this subject?" and before the question was taken upon the motion just submitted, he would briefly respond to that interrogatory, presuming, however, to speak for no member but himself.

The present session, it was well known, had for several reasons, not been propitious for the discussion and adoption of any improvements in the plan of our national defences. This had been sufficiently manifested by the character of the debate that took place some days since upon one branch of the general question-the re-organization and discipline of the militia. But, although the committee had not deemed it expedient at this time to present a report, it had been deferred from no want of a deep conviction of its importance. He would rejoice if the

public mind could be effectually directed to the subject; and he hoped that he might at least be able to call the attention of Senators to the memorials, which (although parts of each would doubtless be regarded extravagant) contained, nevertheless, practical views and suggestions well worthy of consideration, in connection with the very important measures of which they respectively treated-measures, he would take occasion to remark, that had been discussed with great ability in the report of a board of officers, communicated to the Senate by the President, in April last. He hoped the subject would be taken up at an early day in the next session, and be so deliberately and definitely acted upon, as to give our mode and means of defence, efficiency, uniformity, and the advantage of a settled system. We could now do it with the light of enlarged experience, and the benefit of many experiments made at the expense of others. In this age of progress, and in this land of invention, and almost boundless resources, we were not the people to stand still. We had not stood still. But while individual and private enterprise had kept pace, in all the various pursuits of life, with the best improvements of the day, it must be admitted, that considering our position upon the globe-the immense extent of our maritime frontier-the mode in which we must be assailed, if ever successfully assailed, by a foreign foe-the easy access to our most commanding harbors-the vast importance and exposed condition

of our great commercial cities, especially since the successful application of steam power to ocean navigation that we had been singularly regardless of the advances and improvements which, in other countries, especially in France and England, had, within the last few years, materially changed, and were now rapidly changing the character of defensive and offensive operations, both on the land and the sea. We should not shut our eyes to these things. We should not remain unmindful of changes in the art and practice of war, exceeded in importance only by those which followed the discovery of gunpowder in the fourteenth century.

There were some things about the military defences of this country, which might be considered as settled, in relation to which there could be little if any difference of opinion. For instance-he regarded it as certain, that no large standing army was ever to be maintained here in time of peace, while our free institutions remain unshaken. In this we differed entirely from those nations with whom, from our position and political relations, we were in the greatest danger of being drawn into collision. It was equally certain, in his judgment, that the stationary fortifications, in the best condition, with abundance of materiel, and well manned, would prove wholly inadequate to the defence even of our large commercial cities. It must be regarded as no less clear, that no foreign power could ever embark in the Quixotic enterprise of conquering