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Unreasonable searches prohibited. 1. The right of the people to be secure in their persons, houses, papers, and effects, against unreasonable searches and seizures, shall not be vioa lated ; and no warrants shall issue but upon probable cause, supported by oath or affirmation, and particularly describing the place to be searched, and the persons or things to be seized.
Proceedings in criminal cases, &c. 1. No person shall be held to answer for a capital or otherwise infamous crime, unless on a presentment or indictment of a grand jury, except in cases arising in the land or naval forces, or in the militia, when in actual service, in time of war or public danger ; nor shall any person be subject for the same offence to be twice put in jeopardy of life or limb; nor shall be compelled, in any criminal case, to be a witness against himself, nor be deprived of life, liberty or property, without due process of law; nor shall private property be taken for public use, without just compensation.
Mode of trial in criminal cases. 1. In all criminal prosecutions, the accused shall enjoy the right to a speedy and public trial, by an impartial jury of the state and district wherein the crime shall have been committed, which district shall have been previously ascertained by law, and to be informed of the nature and cause of the accusation; to be confronted with the witnesses against him; to have compulsory process for obtaining witnesses in his favour; and to have the assistance of counsel for his defence.
Mode of trial in civil casc3. 1. In suits at common law, where the value in controversy shall exceed twenty dollars, the right of trial by jury shall be preserved; and no fact tried by a jury shall be otherwise re-examined in any court of the United States, than according to the rules of the common law.
Bail, fincs, and imprisonment. 1. Excessive bail shall not be required, nor excessive fines imposed, nor cruel and unusual punishments inflicted.
Rights not enumerated. 1. The enumeration in the constitution of certain rights, shall not be construed to deny or disparage others retained by the people.
Powers reserved to the People. 1. The powers not delegated to the United States by the constitution, nor prohibited by it to the states, are reserved to the states respectively, or to the people.
The Judicial Power limited. 1. The judicial power of the United States shall not be construed to extend to any suit in law or equity, commenced or prosecuted against one of the United States by citizens of another state, or by citizens or subjects of any foreign state,
ARTICLE 12. Meeting of the Electors of President and Vice-President. 1. The electors shall meet in their respective states, and vote by ballot for president and vice-president, one of whom, at least, shall not be an inhabitant of the same state with themselves; they shall name in their ballots the person voted for as president, and in distinct ballots the person voted for as vice-president; and they shall make distinct lists of all per: sons voted for as president, and of all persons voted for as vice-president, and of the number of votes for each, which lists they shall sign and certify, and transmit sealed to the seat of the government of the United States, directed to the president of the Senate; the president of the Senate shall, in the presence of the Senate and House of Representatives, open all the certificates, and the votes shall then be counted: the person having the greatest number of votes for president, shall be the president, if such number be a majority of the whole number of electors appointed ; and if no person have such majority, then from the persons having the highest numbers, not exceeding three, on the list of those voted for as president, the House of Representatives shall choose immediately, by ballot, the president.
2. But, in choosing the president, the votes shall be taken by states, the representation from each state having one vote; a quorum for this purpose shall consist of a member or members from two-thirds of the states, and a majority of all the states shall be necessary to a choice. And if the House of Representatives shall not choose a president whenever the right of choice shall devolve upon them, before the fourth day of March next following, then the vice-president shall act as president, as in the case of the death or other constitutional disability of the president.
3. The person having the greatest number of votes as vice-president, shall be the vice-president, if such number be a majority of the whole number of electors appointed; and it no person have a majority, then from the two highest members on the list, the Senate shall choose the vice-president: a quorum for the purpose shall consist of two-thirds of the whole number of senators, and a majority of the whole number shall be necessary to a choice.
4. But no person constitutionally ineligible to the office of president, shall be eligible to that of vice-president of the United States.
1. The world has seen enough of warriors and of heroes enough of statesmen-of men who have guided armies in the field, or dictated as sages in the cabinet, for the exclusive purpose of ambition. History, from its earliest page to the present day, has offered to our contemplation only ONE WASHINGTON ; but one man, whose dangers in war, and labours in peace, were undertaken and supported with a single eye to the benefit of his country ; whose wonderful and honourable success, was the plain result of wisdom in design, and valour in execution ; whom danger never appalled, nor defeat depressed; who, persevering in the justice of his cause, wooed victory till he won her ; who coveted no reward but the well-earned approbation of those whose interests he lived to promote ; who renounced all public honours, when they ceased to be the necessary instruments of good to the people, whose gratitude conferred them; who, superiour to all monarchs, was content to be called an American citizen. His career of glory, through life, was untainted by crime ; and his death was felt as a loss by every individual of that community, whose political existence was the fruit of his exertions.
2. The Farewell Address of General Washington is the condensed result of long experience, matured reflection, and „strong anxiety for the permanent prosperity of his country. His advice, concerning the great importance of maintaining, indissolubly, the federal Union—the danger of indulging too much in party feelings the necessity of supporting public cre. dit at home-of maintaining public faith in all our transactions with foreign nations-of encouraging foreign intercourse, free from foreign attachments, are so many lessons of prudence, which we should do well to bear in constant remembrance.
WASHINGTON'S FAREWELL ADDRESS.
Thrice happy realm! to whom, by kindest heav'n, 1
When round your hearths, your infant offspring throng,
FRIENDS, AND FELLOW-CITIZENS,
1. The period for a new election of a citizen, to administer the executive government of the United States, being not far distant, and the time actually arrived, when your thoughts must be employed in designating the person who is to be clothed with that important trust, it appears to me proper, especially as it may conduce to a more distinct expression of the public voice, that I should now apprise you of the resolution I have formed, to decline being considered among the number of those out of whom a choice is to be made.
2. I beg you, at the same time, to do me the justice to be assured, that this resolution has not been taken without a strict regard to all the considerations appertaining to the relation, which binds a dutiful citizen to his country: and that, in withdrawing the tender of service, which silence, in my situation, might imply, I am influenced by no diminution of zeal for your future interest; no deficiency of grateful respect for your past kindness : but am supported by a full conviction that the step is compatible with both.
3. The acceptance of, and continuance hitherto in the office to which your suffrages have twice called me, have been a uniform sacrifice of inclination to the opinion of duty, and to a deference for what appeared to be your desire. I constantly hoped, that it would have been much earlier in my power, consistently with motives, which I was not at liberty to disregard, to return to that retirement from which I had been reluctantly drawn. The strength of my inclination to do this, previous to the last election, had even led to the preparation of an address to declare it to you; but mature reflection on the then perplexed and critical posture of our affairs with foreign nations, and the unanimous advice of persons entitled to my confidence, impelled me to abandon the idea.
4. I rejoice that the state of your concerns, external as well as internal, no longer renders the pursuit of inclination incompatible with the sentiment of duty or propriety; and am persuaded, whatever partiality may be retained for my services, that, in the present circumstances of our country, you will not disapprove of my determination to retire.
5. The impressions with which I first undertook the arduous trust, were explained on the proper occasion. In the discharge of this trust, I will only say, that I have, with good intentions, contributed towards the organization and administration of the government, the best exertions of which a very fallible judgment is capable. Not unconscious, in the outset, of the inferiority of any qualifications, experience in my own eyes, perhaps still more in the eyes of others, has strengthened the motives to diffidence of myself; and every day the increasing weight of years admonishes me more and more, that the shade of retirement is as necessary to me as it will be welcome. Satisfied that, if any circumstances have given peculiar value to my services, they were temporary, I have the consolation to believe, that, while choice and prudence invite me to quit the political sceue, patriotism does not forbid it.
6. In looking forward to the moment which is intended to terminate
the career of my public life, my feelings do not permit me to suspend the deep acknowledgment of that debt of gratitude which I owe to my beloved country, for the many honours it has conferred upon me; still more for the stedfast confidence with which it has supported me; and for the opportunities I have thence enjoyed of manifesting my inviolable attachment, by services faithful and persevering, though in usefulness unequal to my zeal. If benefits have resulted to our country from these services, let it always be remembered, to our praise, and as an instructive example in our annals, that, under circumstances, in which the passions, agitated in every direction, were liable to mislead, amidst appearances sometimes dubious vicissitudes of fortune often discouraging-in situations, in which, not unfrequently, want of success has countenanced the spirit of criticism--the constancy of your support was the essential prop of the efforts, and a guarantee of the plans, by which they were effected. Pro. foundly penetrated with this idea, I shall carry it with me to my grave, as a strong incitement to unceasing vows, that Heaven may continue to yoa the choicest tokens of its beneficence ; that your union and brotherly affection may be perpetual; that the free constitution, which is the work of your hands, may be sacredly maintained ; that its administration, in every department, may be stamped with wisdom and virtue; that, in fine, the happiness of the people of these states, under the auspices of liberty, may be made complete, by so careful a preservation, and so prudent a use of this blessing, as will acquire to them the glory of recommending it to the applause, the affection, and adoption, of every nation which is yet a stranger to it.
7. Here, perhaps, I ought so stop. But a solicitude for your welfare, which cannot end but with my life, and the apprehension of danger, natural to that solicitude, urge me, on an occasion like the present, to offer to your solemn contemplation, and to recommend to your frequent review, some sentiments, which are the result of much reflectien, of no inconsider. able observation, and which appear to me all important to the permanency of your felicity as a people. These will be offered to you with the more freedom, as you can only feel in them the disinterested warnings of a parting friend, who can possibly have no personal motive to bias his counsel. Nor can I forget, as an encouragement to it, your indulgent reception of my sentiments on a former, and not dissimilar, occasion.
8. Interwoven as is the love of liberty with every ligament of your hearts, no recommendation of mine is necessary to fortify or confirm the attachment.
9. The unity of government, which constitutes you one people, is also dow dear to you. It is justly so; for it is a main pillar in the edifice of your real independence, the support of your tranquillity at home, your peace abroad; of your safety; of your prosperity; of that very liberty which you so highly prize. But as it is easy to foresee, that, from different causes, and from different quarters, much pains will be taken, many artifices employed, to weaken in your minds the conviction of this truth; as this is the point in your political fortress against which the batteries of internal and external enemies will be most constantly and actively (though often covertly and insidiously) directed, it is of infinite moment that you should properly estimate the immense value of your national Union, to your collective and individual happiness; that you should cherish a cordial, habitual, and immoveable attachment to it; accustoming yourselves to think and speak of it as of the palladium of your political safety and