by the majority of the council, it was finally determined to make the attempt.

The Highland army marched from Culloden in a thin extended column, with an interval in the middle. Lord George Murray marched at the head of the column; Charles, with the Duke of Perth, and a number of officers, advanced in the central interval, Soon after they began their march, it grew very dark: To prevent alarm, they proceeded by unfrequented paths. These being over marshy ground, retarded the progress of the rear so much, that, by two in the morning, Lord George Murray, suspecting that their design was discovered, and that it would be impossible to make an attack before break of day, ordered a retreat. Surprised and indignant, Charles exclaimed that he was betrayed. The army reached Culloden about seven in the morning, exhausted with fatigue and hunger, and enraged at having performed nothing.

Information was received by the Duke of Cumberland, of the enemy's intention, from spies dressed in the Highland garb, and who occasionally mixed with them as they advanced. What the result would have been, had the meditated attack been executed, it is difficult to conjecture; although it is highly probable, from the Royal army's being on the alert, that had the Highlanders made the attack, it must have been to them a hard if not a disastrous

contest.

The Duke of Cumberland left Nairn early in the morning of the 16th April, and came in sight of his enemies at noon. The latter were drawn up in thirteen divisions, disposed into two lines: The Prince's standard was displayed in the front line; twelve pieces of cannon were disposed before the centre and on each wing; Charles was stationed on an eminence in the rear of the second line, surrounded by a party of horse; a high wall covered the right flank of the army.

Observing that the Rebels had taken their ground to give him battle, the Duke of Cumberland ordered his troops to halt; and, forming his columns into two lines flanked with horse, and having a strong body of reserve, advanced towards the enemy. Instructed by their disasters at Prestonpans and Falkirk, the Royal army made excellent dispositions for resisting the impetuous onset of the Highlanders. The latter, being galled by a destructive fire of artillery, and impatient of standing inactive, rushed forward with their usual impetuosity, brandishing their broad-swords. They

were received very coolly upon the point of the bayonet, and mowed down by a dreadful fire of musketry and grape-shot. The right wing of the assailants, however, pushed furiously forward, and broke through the left wing of the Royalists: But they were arrested in their career, by the cool and resolute conduct of the second line; which presented an impervious front of bayonets, and opened a tremendous fire.

The Highlanders retired in confusion. The remainder of their army likewise commenced a precipitate retreat. The same troops that had advanced to the charge like lions, were in an instant seen flying like trembling cowards. Among the first who fled from the field of battle, was Charles himself; and even when entreated to return and rally his troops, his courage and resolution failed him. The Royal army advanced in pursuit: A horrible carnage ensued. The Western Highlanders united in a body, and marched towards Badenoch; another smaller body retired to Inverness, where they surrendered themselves. But the small straggling parties which fled in every direction were barbarously slaughtered. At the commencement of the action, the Royal army amounted to eight thousand: They lost, in killed and wounded, three hundred. The Highlanders were five thousand strong. No regular account was ever published by them of their loss in this battle: It probably amounted to fifteen hundred or two thousand in killed and wounded.

It is painful to reflect on the barbarities of the Royal troops after their victory. The wounded Highlanders were allowed to remain on the field without assistance, stript of their clothes, and exposed to torrents of rain for two days. What befel them then, is too shocking to be related. A barn, which contained a party of wounded Highlanders, was surrounded and set on fire by a detachment of Royalists; who drove back into the flames those who attempted to save themselves.

Immediately after the battle, the Royal troops entered the Rebels' country. Villages and cottages were plundered and burnt; the cattle and provisions were driven away or destroyed; the wretched inhabitants were indiscriminately ejected or murdered; those who escaped were left a prey to famine and cold on the barren heath.

Some hours after the battle, Lord Elcho found the Prince in a cottage beside the river Nairn, surrounded by his Irish attendants,

in a state of complete dejection, without the least hopes of being able to retrieve his misfortunes. Lord Elcho exerted himself to persuade him that his disaster might be repaired, and that he should think only of rallying his army: But the Prince was insensible to every suggestion of that nature, and utterly disregard ed the advice.

Without any previous concert, the wreck of the Highland army met at Ruthven, about twelve miles from Inverness, two days after their defeat. To this place, the fugitives were naturally attracted by the secure retreat which it offered; as the road towards it was very narrow, under frightful precipices, and by the bases of mountains where there were several passes which a hundred men could defend against any number, by rolling down rocks from the summits of the mountains. **.

Lord George Murray immediately secured the passes, and despatched a messenger to the Prince, with the intelligence that a great part of his army was assembled at Ruthven, full of anima tion, and eager to revenge their late disgrace; and that in a few days the Highland army would be more numerous than before the battle. Two days elapsed before Charles returned the mortifying answer, "Let every man seek his safety in the best way he can." The separation of the misguided Highlanders was truly affecting. They bade each other adieu,-uncertain whether their next meeting might not be on the scaffold. They gave vent to their grief in howlings and lamentation, when they reflected on the miseries to which their country would be exposed.

There is a surprising resemblance between the adventures and perils of Charles after his defeat, and the narrow escape of his grand-uncle Charles the Second after the battle of Worcester. After suffering an extraordinary series of hardships in the Highlands and Western Isles, whither he was closely pursued during five months by the Royalists,-after wandering under various disguises in woods and wilds, destitute of the common necessaries of life, he was taken on board a French privateer, and landed on the coast of Bretagne.

The sword of justice quickly pursued such of his adherents as had escaped the fury of the soldiery or had not fled to the Continent. The Earls of Cromarty and Kilmarnock, and the Lords Lovat and Balmerino, were tried for high treason, and condemned

to be capitally punished. Cromarty alone was pardoned; at the intercession of his lady. Seventeen officers of inferior rank suffered on Kensington Common, near London; fifty-three suffered death in Yorkshire and Cumberland, exulting in being martyrs for the cause they had espoused.

Such was the fatal conclusion of a rebellion, which, from its fortunate commencement, promised a very different issue. What would have been the result upon the happiness and prosperity of these realms, had Charles succeeded in recovering the throne of his ancestors, it is hard to determine. But it is highly probable, from a retrospective view of the history of Great Britain since the union of the crowns, that the change would have contributed little to the liberty and happiness of these kingdoms..

Much bitter controversy has arisen respecting the motives which induced the Highland chieftains to engage in this unfortunate insurrection. It has been thought impossible to account for their conduct, except by ascribing it to a kind of heroic affectionate loyalty in favour of an exiled and suffering race of kings. That there were a few of the higher chieftains who were actuated by these generous feelings, may be admitted; as well as that their people followed them with regardless devotion: But it is pretty clear, from the Culloden Papers, lately published, that many of the disaffected were actuated by selfish principles and personal expectations. Such causes are very natural; but while they im`ply no particular depravity in the many whom they influenced, they detract not a little from the affectionate devotion to which the attachment to Charles has been often ascribed, and convert this ideal gallantry into ordinary political selfishness and ambition.

To eradicate the seeds of disloyalty, and restrain the untractable spirit of the Highlanders, the hereditary jurisdictions were purchased or wrested from the heads of clans; and, by an act of Parliament, persons of all ranks were prohibited from wearing the ancient costume of their country; but this act was repealed soon after, as inexpedient and oppressive,

During a period of three centuries, the royal house of Stuart experienced an uninterrupted series of misfortunes, James the First, after having been a captive in England, was assassinated by his subjects. James the Second was killed in the prime of life, by the accidental bursting of a cannon. The Third James was defeat

ed in battle by his rebellious subjects, headed by his own son, and asassinated; and that son, the amorous and gallant James the Fourth, disappeared at the lost battle of Flodden. James the Fifth died of a broken heart. His beautiful and accomplished daughter, Mary, after enduring the most painful vicissi tudes of fortune, was beheaded in England. Her grandson, Charles the First, experienced a similar fate. His second son, James, was expelled the Three Kingdoms by his son-in-law, the Prince of Orange, at the instigation of his subjects. James his son and Charles, his grandson, ambitious of recovering the throne of their ancestors, occasioned much misery and bloodshed, and ruined many noble families; while they themselves abandoned their enterprises with unbecoming levity, and died in exile.

These facts inculcate an awfully instructive lesson to princes and nations: They display the mysterious operations of a sovereign and overruling Providence, "who removeth kings and setteth up kings, who leadeth princes away spoiled, and overthroweth the mighty,"

1

ADMINISTRÁTION OF JUSTICE.

THE civil history of Scotland has long been blended with that of England, in reality and essence, no less than in name. It remains for the compiler of this abridgment, to subjoin a few sketches, illustrative of the national institutions of the Scots-the progress of education and literature-of agriculture, manufactures, and commerce; upon which, in all countries, the wealth, strength, and prosperity of the state, and the happiness of individuals, so very greatly depend.

Though the ancient constitution of Scotland was superseded by the union, the courts and laws for the administration of civil and criminal justice were not only retained, but improved. The judges, no longer the ministers and privy counsellors of the crown, ceased to participate în domestic faction; jurisprudence was cultivated as a regular science; and judgment went forth in equity, with stern indifference to the distinctions of party or of rank.

The civil and canon law constitute the basis of Scottish jurisprudence. Before the union, the laws of Scotland respecting treason were different from those of England. In the reign