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SENATE.]

Executive Powers of Removal.

[APRIL 28, 1830. not (as Mr. Jefferson did) come into the Presidency with saw much to approve; and when a President had done nearly all the official influence against him. Mr. Adams well for the first four years, I deemed it policy, as well as had no calculation of that sort, and never practised in that justice, to try him again, rather than venture upon a new way. He was quite as likely to prefer his foc as his experiment, and thus to keep the public mind in eternal friend--his object appearing to be the public interest, re-excitement. I had served two years in this Senate with gardless of himself." the present President, and though my personal partiali When we shall again find a President acting upon such ties were all in his favor, it was my deliberate belief that maxims, we may again hope; but "the signs of the times" he had not the qualifications for this exalted office; and I are against us. If Mr. Adams, or his friends, had, during confess that nothing has since occurred to shake this behis four years, been contriving to throw weight and in- lief. While my judgment compelled me to fear, my parfluence against the present dominant party, there might tialities induced me to hope. When I was in the other have been some apology for this proscription. But, we House, a distinguished member from Georgia, since a Senacall upon you to point us to the case where Mr. Adams ex- tor, here, and now no more, introduced a resolution dehibited the least indication of partisan or personal attach-claring that General Jackson, as commander of the army, ment. The Secretary of the Treasury, his most power- had, in taking St. Mark's and the Barrancas, violated the ful rival, was solicited to form one of his Cabinet; the At-constitution of the United States; but my feeble powers torney General and Secretary of the Navy were retained, were exerted against that resolution. Yet the whole dewithout regard to the part they had taken in the contest; legation of Georgia, a majority of South Carolina, among and another rival for the Presidency was made Secretary whom was the ever to be lamented Lowndes, and a deof State, and his Secretaries of the Treasury and War cided majority of the Virginia delegation, voted for it. had been decided and distinguished opposers of his elec- I do not speak this as a matter of reproach against those tion. To be sure, there was less of policy than magna- States, but as proof that I had nothing against the man, nimity in this; but Mr. Adams's rule of policy was the as many of his present worshippers had. And when I good of his country, by a faithful administration of its was last elected, and took my leave of the Legislature of Government. He practised what General Jackson pro- Maine, I expressly told them that, although General Jackfessed in his letter of advice to Mr. Monroe. Never was a son was not the choice of the State, yet they must not more striking contrast, and never did contrast cast farther expect me, as their Senator, to persist in a continued hosinto disgrace and contempt than the last administration tility to his measures; that I should condemn where I has cast this. must, but approve where I could. I have done, and shall continue to do so; but this system of proscription, without and against all reason, I must and will condemn.

General Jackson, moreover, had no abuses to correct. No oppressive laws had been passed; no unnecessary offices had been created to sustain a declining party; no doctrines had been advanced and practised on, which created alarm to any one; no "reign of terror" was even pretended. There was no necessity of restoring an equilibrium; for when Jackson was inaugurated, his partisans had probably a full share of the offices.

Now, has there not always been an understanding, a sort of pledge, that, if the officer was faithful and capable, he should retain his office so long as he should remain so? When the office was accepted, he was well acquainted with the practice of the Government. The policy of forty years had taught him that honesty, capability, and fidelity to the constitution, were all that was necessary to secure his continuance. He, therefore, directed his whole talents to the duties. He became unqualified for every other employment. His habits and predilections were al together official. He was rendered unfit for every thing else. Public confidence was, therefore, his only pride, for it was his only security.

Let us now see what has been done, and is now doing. During forty years, and under six different Presidents, we can find but seventy-three removals, not averaging two in each year. Long as the period, and imperfect as the history, we have ascertained good causes for nearly half, and it is fair to infer that there were causes equally good for the removals of most of the rest. How is it now? In one short month, this Executive removed more than had been removed for the whole forty years; and in one short year, three times the number! The heads of Departments may be set down as removals: for, considering the example of the last administration, they would not have resigned, had they not been assured that they should be removed; and the conduct of the Senate in postponing nominations, was to them a hint broad enough. We will set down five. The removals in the Departments, of principals and subordinates, must be charged to the account of the President, for all this was done under his eye. Now, reverse this system; let it be the understanding These were forty-six. The nominations of Mr. Adams, that, in a change of administration, all the officers who postponed to the 4th of March last, and thus rejected, have not favored the change are to be removed; and must be considered as the act of the Senate, by the advice what is to be the effect upon the public welfare? It and at the request of the President elect, to increase his goes to the destruction of all confidence; and every one patronage; and these were thirty-eight, making eightywho holds his office by such a precarious tenure, will take nine! A pretty good beginning. Now, it has been ascare to provide for himself by defrauding the Treasury. certained that the other removals, up to this time, have We now come to the removals made by the present amounted to not less than one hundred and fifty; making, administration; and, sir, I approach the subject more in of removals by the President, and chiefly in the recess, sorrow than in anger. When I was last elected, I enter- two hundred and thirty-nine in the first year, more than tained no prejudices or enmitics against the present three times the number removed by all former Presidents Chief Magistrate. I had no personal or political quar- for forty years. But this is not all. By an official report rels to settle; no "private griefs" to assuage; I did not from the Postmaster General, we learn that he had, at that form my opinion of his character from those who had en-time, removed four hundred and ninety-one of his depugaged in personal controversies with him, but who are ties; and as he had probably not exaggerated, to say the now his zealous supporters. Notwithstanding their cha- least, and as we know the good work is going on, it is moracters were high, and I might have been justified in be-derate to set these down at five hundred. It is within lieving their testimony, I concluded it might have been reasonable calculation, to put the clerks and other depenunder high excitement, and I made the proper allow-dants on those offices, at five hundred more. Add to these, ances. I had, moreover, no special partiality for the last the subordinate officers of the customs removed, as officiincumbent. He was not my first preference; but I knew cally reported, one hundred and fifty-one. Add to these, them both. I had witnessed the last administration, and deputy collectors and clerks in the customs, deputy marthough I saw, or thought I saw, something to dislike, I shals, private secretaries of foreign ministers, clerks in

APRIL 28, 1830.]

Executive Powers of Removals.

[SENATE.

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land and in other offices, surveyors, and others, and it is of the House. When this removal was made, there was within bounds to calculate six hundred more, making in no President of the Senate here, and no Speaker of the the first year about two thousand! Now, why all this in- House in existence. This puts the flat negative upon the dividual distress? for what purpose? Let us inquire, the President's power to remove and fill in the recess. people want light. If there was good cause, they will could not possibly appoint this officer according to law. approve; but if not, they will condemn. Why are you The whole was illegal; a responsible officer was thrust dumb? The reasons-we ask the reasons. Speak. You out by arbitrary power, and another man ordered to take are but the servants of the people; and speak in a lan- our property into his custody, of no legal responsibility. guage which they can understand, and they will judge But, sir, if he had the power to remove and appoint at his you impartially. Why this dark silence? It was never discretion an officer of our own, we should have thought so before. Has your President done what he is ashamed that common courtesy would have demanded that he should of? Come out manfully, and let him come out manfully, have consulted us. But he did not; indeed, he could not; and tell us the causes; and if they are good, the people Congress was not in session; there was in fact no Congress will be satisfied. But all this seems to have been done in in existence when the removal was made: for some States utter contempt of the Senate. We were kept together had not then elected their members. I then call upon from the 4th to the 18th March, an extra session beyond gentlemen to give the reasons why, how, and by what auall precedent. The President proceeded with a snail's thority, our Librarian has been removed! pace, and very little business was done. But our backs But we were promised "reform," "retrenchment," a were scarcely turned, when the fires of persecution were "correction of existing abuses," a saving of the public kindled, and have ever since raged with relentless fury. money." The "Augean stable" was to be cleansed. But the greatest outrage of all is, that the President has This was the cry out of doors, and echoed even from the invaded our dominions, and actually removed, and in the halls of Congress. Many, I have no doubt, repeated the recess too, an officer of the two Houses of Congress! expression without understanding a word of its meaning Sir, the President had as good a right to remove the Se- or its application. I do not mean the Senators, for they no cretary of the Senate as the Librarian. This library is doubt are all very classic. And I would not now repeat the library of Congress; the purchase of Mr. Jefferson's the story, but to show that there is no analogy. Augeas, library was for the two Houses of Congress. The rules as you recollect, was some petty king of some petty profor governing it are to be made by the presiding officers vince or city of Greece. What was its name? Elis, aye, of the two Houses. The law, to be sure, gives the pow-that is it. It seems he had a stable which had always coner of appointment to the President; but so soon as he tained three thousand oxen, and it had never been cleanshas exercised it, he is functus officio to all intents and pur-ed out for three hundred years. Hercules undertook to cleanse it, (this was his fifth labor,) and he was to have, The President has no control over this library any more for his compensation, one-tenth of all the cattle-three than one of our clerks, or any stranger. We permit him hundred-a pretty good fee, equal, at least, to the salary to take books under our regulations, as we do the Justices which you are about to provide for the chief of your new of the Supreme Court and other officers; but he cannot, "law department." Well, Hercules, by turning the curany more than they, dictate a single word as to its manage-rent of the river through the stable, cleansed it in one ment or control. Instead of his having the power to single day, and then demanded his reward. Augeas redirect this officer in the performance of a single duty, it fused to pay him, alleging that he had practised an artiis directly the reverse; the Librarian has the right to di- fice. In consequence, they made war. Hercules killed rect him, and to punish him for a violation of its rules. If him, and gave his crown to his son; and here is the whole the power of removal is, in this case, consequent upon story. Now, where is the analogy? Had Hercules swept that of appointment, the President can impose on us an offi- out the cattle only, it might have resembled your case. cer of the two Houses against the will of both. If he can You have removed the whole herd, and replaced them by remove at discretion, he can also refuse at his discretion. a much more numerous and scurvy set, and made the filth He might, consequently, return a Librarian utterly offen- ten times worse than it was before. So much for your sive to us, who mismanaged our property, disobeyed our " Augean stable." directions, and set our rules at defiance. But, sir, this Now, sir, what has been gained by all this devastation, usurpation is further manifest, from the fact, that he can this prostration of all principle, this concentration of all never judge when the officer becomes disqualified. He, Executive power in a single chief? Once, the people of either by himself or any of his subordinates, has no right the United States would never have made their rights whatever to inspect the library, or inquire how the duties and liberties a question of profit and loss. But, even makhave been performed. He can, therefore, never knowing it a mere matter of calculation, I repeat the question, when there is cause for removal. It, with him, would al-What have we gained? Draw your comparisons between ways be a haphazard business, "quite as likely to be done the present and last year's expenditures, and with all the wrong as right. The President did not, for he could not, subtlety and cunning which belongs to the head of the remove for cause. He had, when this removal was made, treasury, and what do you make? The attempt to stifle been inaugurated but three months. Now, had he devot- the truth has been detected; and it is manifest, even to the ed all his time to examining the regulations of that library, eye of a superficial observer, that your expenditures are, he would not have learnt whether the Librarian had and must be, necessarily more. The fact has been proved managed well or ill, even in three years. But, sir, we beyond controversy. But whether less or more, is not know that Mr. Watterston was not removed because he the question. The question is, Have the expenditures, be was unfaithful or incapable. We know he was both faith- they what they may, been prudent or prodigal, more, or ful and capable, and pre-eminently so. Not a murmur has just as much, as the public exigencies require? If my been whispered against him. I appeal to the Joint Com- agent, last year, expended one hundred thousand dollars, mittees of the Library, who have, from time to time, su- all for my benefit, have no right to blame him; if he, perintended it, if this is not the fact. this year, has expended less than half that sum, and has

We

But, sir, there is another reason which should have con-wasted in this expenditure one-half of this, it is a lame vinced the President that he was doing wrong, if he is apology to recur to a comparison of the two years. capable of reasoning at all. The law required that the ask you, then, what was wasted in the last year of Mr. Librarian, who was to have the custody of such valuable Adams's administration? Put your finger upon the single property, should give bonds with sufficient sureties, to be item. Do you retort the question? We are ready with approved by the President of the Senate and the Speaker the answer. In the removal and appointment of foreign

VOL. VI.-50

SENATE.]

ment.

Executive Powers of Removal.

ministers in the recess of the Senate, forty thousand dol-strike off some forty or fifty mail routes, and thus deprive lars have been drawn from the treasury against the law the people in the scattered settlements of the means of and the constitution, without any earthly benefit, and for information, or the machine must stop. This is another Two or three examples will serve to illustrate this conno other ostensible purpose but to reward partisans, far of the effects of this retrenching, reforming administration. less qualified than their predecessors. In the collecting of the revenue, that "searching operation," what have duct of this administration. Florida is a Territory, not ten when he left the Government, it is to be presumed, the you gained? Fifty additional officers in this single depart-years old. The President was its first Governor; and Sir, in the faithful execution of this duty, of collecting officers were satisfactory. At the last election, this Terrimoney and payment into the treasury to meet the exigen- tory had no political influence whatever. It had no vote, Yet we find that removals here cies of the Government, and discharge the national debt, nor could it command one any where else. Its preferences the people have a deep interest. This duty requires not for one of the other candidates could, therefore, have no Remor only perfect fidelity, but long experience. The complicat- effect on the election. ed machinery of the system is not to be learnt in a day; have been made with the same relentless proscription as it requires years. Now, if you make a general change if it had been in its power to settle the contest. here, even if you supply the place of those removed with: als--Navy Agent and Storekeeper, at Pensacola; Surveythe best men, it is morally certain that, from their want or of live oak timber, and Agent for its preservation; of Revenue Cutters; Law Agent; Indian Agent; United of experience, nothing but a miracle can save you from Postmaster, at Pensacola, and Marshal, two Commanders losses.

Take the case at New York, where more than one-third States' Attorney, Collector, and Marshal, at Key West; of your whole revenue is collected; all your principal and Surveyor of Fernandina; Postmaster, at St. Augustine; twenty-five of your subordinate officers displaced, and and Collector, at Appalachicola--sixteen! and four other Here, besides Executive appointments made since the fourth of March about the same number have been added. the chief officers, you find fifty new ones, all without ex- last, to supply vacancies created by his own removals! perience, to manage that vast concern, so important to the Now, what other motive could have induced all this, but interests of the country. Will any one say, in sober ear-that of rewarding hungry expectants, who could not be I will go now into an opposite extreme of the United nest, that all this was for the public good? Under the provided for any where else? When we arrived here, at the comarrangement and severe discipline of Mr. Thompson, every thing was done with perfect system-scarcely an error States-into Maine. escaped--the Government was perfectly safe, and no one, mencement of this session, every United States' office, perbut he who wished for an opportunity to violate the laws, haps worth ten dollars, was in the hands of the friends of had the least disposition to complain. Now, why is the the administration, except two, those of the Marshal and whole system subverted? Why is this dangerous experi- the Collector of Passamaquoddy. These two have been ment attempted, when all was so well before? It is for no since "reformed." I will give you but one other case. been removed, and three were postponed by the Senate reason under heaven but to reward the minions of the Of the thirty-seven District Attorneys, seventeen have present administration. Sir, if your party had talents, and, as a general remark, of the last Congress to the fourth of March; that is, reOf the thirty-six Marshals, there have been fifteen I do not think they are overburthened, is it possible that jected, and others appointed in their places, making twenbelieve, several postponements; insoa machine, so complicated as the Treasury Department, ty. can be successfully managed with raw hands? Can mere removals, and, as "land lubbers" navigate the ship? I put this question to much that there are not now, perhaps, three of each of favor of Mr. Adams's re-election. I will here make a single experienced statesmen, to Senators; and I ask them frank- these offices held by men who were either neutral or in ly, if, in all this, they can see any thing of public good? What has been gained, I ask, in removing one thousand remark, which will clearly illustrate this policy. Presiconnected with the Post Office Department? Mr. McLean dent Jackson has made more than twice the number of was no partisan, and certainly he had done nothing to removals, of his own appointments, in one year, than Mr. In addition to these wonderful improvements, we find throw the influence of his department into the hands of Adams did in four, of all the officers of the Government. What good motive could have inthe late administration. duced this universal proscription? Every post office, that some fifty or sixty editors of newspapers have, for whose cmoluments are worth even less than ten dollars a their loyalty, been engaged to assist in this work of reform. year, if he has not huzzaed for the chieftain, is hunted Petty editors of country newspapers are made "Secord down as a ferocious wild beast; and every hole, every cor- Comptrollers" and "Fourth Auditors," and Amos Kenner, is searched for this small game. All this, I suppose, dall wields the trident of Neptune, and holds in his hands is "retrenchment;" and yet we learn that more officers the destinies of that navy which has triumphed in every must be provided, or this sapient chief of this new de-sea, and unfurled "the star spangled banner" in the face Now, this is of every maritime nation on earth. Sir, in this aspect of partment cannot make the machine work. The General Post Office is in utter our affairs, it is time to be a little serious, and to ponder The press was intended to be, and once in reality It was the press of not strange at all. confusion; every thing is in error, and "sixes and sevens:" well. the assistants and clerks have been running against each was, the palladium of our berties. other, and have got into such confusion, that they do not know where to go or what to do, and very prudently conclude, therefore, to stand still and do nothing.

The Collector at Key West, a son of the late Mr. Pinkney, a vey faithful officer, was removed, and a Mr. Thruston was appointed in his place. It is ascertained that Mr. Pinkney collected the revenue But this is not all; they are asking for money. Mr. Mc-there with one permanent and one occasimal Inspector. The new ColThe Marshal at Key West, Mr. Wilson, was removed, and a Mr. Money was advanced him by the SeLean had made the post office support itself; and it has lecto, with less revenue to collect, isallowed four permanent Inspectors. hitherto produced a surplus. In one year, we find that Dean appointed in his place. defaulter, is removed, and the money is lost. there is likely to be a deficit of one hundred thousand dol-cretary of State, by what authority I do not know. He soon proved a This question Captain Harrison had a wife and s ven children in this District, lars. Now, how does this come to pass? is easily answered-it is removing the experienced and [Georgetown.] He was commander of a revenue cutter at Key West. der that his whole pay should be appropriated to the support of his faithful, and placing in their stead those who cannot or When he repaired to that remote and unhealthy station, he left an or will not fulfil their duties. It is reported, too, that con- family, and he himself to live on his rations alone. He was removed tractors have been remunerated beyond their contracts, without the slightest cause that is known or even imagined, and a Mr. of intemperance, that President Jackson, from regard to decency, At any rate, we are reduced to this: we must add one hun- Devezac was appointed in his place. Such were his confirmed habits dred thousand dollars to the funds of this department, or was, in a few weeks, obliged to remove him.

APRIL 28, 1830.]

Executive Powers of Removal.

[SENATE.

the people. If the Government should have attempted names. How? Must I sacrifice the rights of my constito subsidize or usurp it, the cry would have been "hands tuents to a fastidious delicacy? Have I a right here to inoff, touch not, handle not," it is ours. Editors are our dulge in affectation? No, sir, in man or woman, but most watchmen, our sentinels on the outposts of liberty. When in man, and, most of all, in man who assumes to sustain these can be seduced or bribed, the citadel is gone. It the people against their oppressors, I, from my soul, loathe has been asked, is an editor to be excluded from office? all affectation. It is the object of my scorn-my implacaI answer, yes, so long as he remains such, unless the people, whose servant he is, shall select him. If he would serve the Government, let him first abandon our service, but let him not desert, and acquire honors at our expense. Sir, it is my deliberate belief that there is now no way to restore the press to what it was, and what, in every free Government, it always should be, but by carrying the principle out.

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ble disgust. What! is man the only thing in God's creation that must appear in disguise? All nature else is ruled by unerring laws, penned by an unerring hand-the brutes even obey their god, and follow their destiny. Inanimate creation, those orbs which shine and sparkle around us, all concur to fulfil their great Creator's purpose. And shall man, the creature of an hour--man, whose "breath is in his nostrils," who to-day is, and to-morrow slumbering in But, be this as it may, certain it is, that rewarding the his humble tomb, and mingling with his kindred dustpartisan editors of the successful chief with high offices, shall he alone put on airs, and play his antic tricks beis effectually corrupting the press. After this example, fore high heaven?" No--no. Let him speak as he thinks, what reliance is hereafter to be placed upon newspapers? and act undisguised--all else is rank hypocrisy and deceit. Those rewarded are to sustain the Government, right or Then, let us speak out, and speak the truth. The venewrong. Those striving for a change must oppose it in rable Melville was the last of the "tea party”--the last of every thing, pervert its measures, and abuse its motives."the cocked hats." He was always a republican, from the All editors, whose hopes depend upon the success of their destruction of the tea to the present moment, without "the respective candidates, will forget, in their zeal, their duty shadow of turning. ." He has been proscribed. To be sure, to the people, and no dependance can be placed on what he is not poor--he has, by his economy and fidelity, acquir they publish. Editors are but men, no purer than others; ed a small pittance--has a little change in his pocket to and, then, is not this the necessary result? bear his expenses on the small remnant of the road he has The specimens of reform, not yet noticed, are many, to pass, and from which "no traveller returns," to pay his but will be passed over briefly. You proposed to raise the toll at that gate which is very soon to be for ever shut after salaries of your district judges about fifty per cent., and him. But Elbridge Gerry--he was a republican from the this bill has passed the Senate. The House increased the first to the last. He was one of those fearless patriots, who compensation of the marshals for taking the census thirty-took their lives in their hands, and signed your Declaration three per cent., and the Senate raised it to a hundred. of Independence. He was one of the framers of this conYou have a bill before you, reported by the Judiciary stitution, the basis on which we now stand. He had been Committee, to establish "a Law Department," in obedience successively minister to France, Governor of Massachuto the recommendation of the President in his message, setts, Vice President of the United States, and President with a salary for the Attorney General of six thousand dol- of the Senate, occupying the very chair which you, sir, fill lars, and an assistant, clerks, and messengers, in the bar-with so much talent. He died here, and is slumbering yongain. Additional officers are appointed to your revenue der. He was poor and pennyless, as every honest Revocutters to increase their emoluments, when they are only lutionary patriot necessarily was. He left a widow, three to perform the duties which belong to the custom house officers, notwithstanding you have increased their number at least fifty. All these things constitute "reform" and "retrenchment." Reform on, and retrench in this way, and very soon you will reform and retrench the people out of both their money and their liberty!

helpless daughters, and a son, his own " image and superscription" in every thing. The patriotic and kind hearted Monroe gave this son an office, to which he was every way qualified, upon the express and special condition that he should appropriate the avails to the support of his widowed mother and orphan sisters. The pledge was fulfilled On another occasion, in my defence of New England, I to the letter. He even denied himself the ordinary conrecurred to this proscription which I have here exposed, solations of domestic life, without which nine-tenths of a and remarked that this administration had glutted its ven- man's happiness is cut off. He was never a political pargeance on the purest patriots on earth; that neither age, tisan; but he is swept off with a relentless hand, and the condition, sect, or sex had escaped. For this I have re- venerable relict of that departed Revolutionary patriot, ceived a rebuke from the Senator from Louisiana, by which with her helpless daughters, is cast off, in the winter of it appears that this language is too plain and too strong for her days, upon the cold charity of a cold and uncharitable the delicate sensibility of this very sensitive administration. world. Need I go farther, to prove that every age, con Our friends have been swept off by hundreds, aye, thou-dition, sect, and sex had become the victim of this relentsands: we have not been permitted to know or even to ask less tyrant? Sir, let the Senator from Louisiana compare for the cause, and now we are to be denied the poor con- the expression with the facts, and answer the question himsolation of complaining. It appears that I spoke in a tone self, if every word I said is not justified? I take nothing that was not acceptable to that Senator. I regret exceed-back-it is all true--I have proved it all. ingly that the sound of my voice does not better harmo- I again repeat the inquiry--What have you gained? The nize with his refined taste. But he should recollect that President, in his message, proposed certain important meaour conditions are very different. He was "brought up sures for the consideration of Congress. One was a modiat the feet of Gamaliel," received his education in the first fication of the Judiciary, dividing the courts into two equal city, and has since been improving it in the most polite and parts, each to hold the sessions alternately, so that the maaccomplished city in the Union. I am from the woods jority of one-half might settle the constitutional law, and the yonder, "a plain, blunt man, who speaks right on," and, majority of the other half might, at the next session, unsettle perhaps, tell you only what you yourselves already know. it. It is some consolation, that no lawyer in either House I have no city airs, nor city management. I have no fash- has had the courage, so far, to hazard his own reputation, ionable modulation of voice; no attitude, nor stare, nor as even to propose an inquiry into the expediency of adoptstart, theatric practised, practised at the glass." ing such an absurdity.

But, sir, as to the substance. Is it not true that the Executive has glutted its vengeance upon the purest patriots on earth; that neither age, condition, sect, or sex has escaped? I shall speak plain--call things by their right

Another (the conceit probably of the arch-Secretary of State) was to dispense with the United States' Bank, and to substitute another, based upon the public revenues. The officers, I presume to be the creatures of the Execu

SENATE.]

for ever.

Pension Laws.

tive, and the management and facilities to suit his purpose,
and conform to his will. A President, with unlimited dis-
cretion in removals and appointments, the army, navy,
post office, the press, and this bank, at his control, has on-
ly to will it, and he is the tyrant. It is done, it is finished,
and the liberties of the people are gone
Thank
Heaven, that scheme has got its quietus.
Another "reform" was, to establish a law department,
the Attorney General its chief, with an assistant, and all
the other paraphernalia. This is knocked down.
The Indians were to be removed from the limits of the
States. This is uncertain.

A free trade with the West Indies, and other British provinces, was promised. This has ended, as every rational man believed it would, in smoke.

It was my

[APRIL 29, 1830.

THURSDAY, APRIL 29, 1830.

PENSION LAWS.

On motion of Mr. FOOT, the bill from the House of Representatives "declaratory of the several acts to provide for certain persons engaged in the land and naval service of the United States in the Revolutionary war," was resumed, with the amendment of the Pension Committee.

Mr. FOOT explained at large the object of the bill as it has been proposed to be amended by the Committee.

Mr. HAYNE said, this was a bill similar in its character to that which was brought forward during the last session of Congress, and which was then known by the significant appellation of the Mammoth Pension bill. Under the speThen, what is the sum and substance of all you have cious pretext of paying a debt of national gratitude to the done, but to remove good men from office, and put bad soldiers of the Revolution, it was calculated to empty the ones in their stead? Give us a solitary instance where treasury, by squandering away the public treasure among there has been a single improvement in favor of the in-a class of persons, many of whom, [said Mr. H.] I do terests and liberties of the people, one principle in which verily believe, never served in the Revolution at all, and your own party shall all agree, and I consent you take it others only for such short periods as hardly to entitle them for your text. to praise. I will yield, sir, to no gentleman here, in a Sir, I might go on, and perhaps repeat cases to the Se-deep and abiding sense of gratitude for Revolutionary sernate even as flagrant as these; but I have exhausted my-vices. Brought up among Revolutionary men, I imbibed self, and, no doubt, the patience of the Senate. I have in my infancy, and have cherished through life, a proomitted many things which I intended to say. found reverence and affection for the whole race-feelobject to open the eyes of the people, that they might see ings which will descend with me to the grave. their danger. This is a crisis in our affairs; it is a state But, sir, when the attempt is made to thrust into the of things unparalleled in our history. Look at the conse- company of the war-worn veterans of the Revolution, a quences. The distresses of the proscribed are compara-"mighty host," many of whom, probably, never even saw tively a small matter. The public interest is put in jeo- an enemy; when a door is to be opened wide enough to adpardy by displacing experience and fidelity, and substitut- mit mere sunshine and holiday soldiers, the hangers on of ing mere partisans, without regard to qualifications. But the camp, men of straw, substitutes, who never enlisted if these were all, I should not despond. The principles until after the preliminaries of peace were signed; when, inculcated are most alarming; the right of the sovereign after having omitted to pay the debt of gratitude really to do all this, "of his own niere motion," which is so ob- due to the honest veterans who toiled through all the sequiously yielded; the unlimited, illimitable discretion so hardships and dangers of the great contest, you now prounquestionable; these are the "signs of the times" which pose to give the rewards earned by their blood, with so induce the most gloomy forebodings. If this discretion profuse a hand as to enable all who ever approached the were only surrendered to a discreet man, we might be camp to share them; I must be permitted to say, that neisafe for the present, though we should look out for the ther my sense of justice, nor my devotion to Revolutionfuture. But, strange as it may seem, it is yielded to the ary men, will suffer me to lend my aid to the consummalast man to whom it ought to have been confided--one tion of the injustice. Sir, I know that deep as have been who has always gone to the utmost bounds of the constitu- the wounds inflicted by the chilling neglect experienced by tion, and, in the opinions of very many, has often trans- many of these gallant officers of the army who fought gressed them. It is the time, above all others, when we your battles throughout the war of the Revolution; keenly should have kept a jealous eye upon the exercise of Ex-as they have felt the justice which delayed, until a reecutive power; and yet this very period is selected to sur-cent period, to satisfy their just demands, founded upon render every thing. There seems a mysterious apathy, a contract, none of these things, nor all combined, have insleepy carelessness, a lethargy, a paralysis, in the public flicted so deep a wound upon their feelings, as the admismind. A dark and dead silence reigns in your Executive sion, to all the honors and rewards of the Revolution, of halls. Your chief sits in sullen mysterious reserve, en-persons who shared few of the hardships, and none of the trenched behind "his high responsibility," issuing his perils, of the war. He who toiled through the heat of the fierce decrees, and immolating his victims with cold-day has found the evening feast spread out for those whom blooded indifference, and we dare not ask him why? We, he knew not in the camp, or on the field of battle, and the Senate of the United States, are so fallen, that we whom he never saw till he found them at the festive board cannot summon the firmness to whisper this single mono- provided by the gratitude of the country. syllable in his royal ears. Is this a reality, or is it a dream? Sir, I am informed, from the highest authority, that, If what we now witness had been presented to my mind when the pension bill of 1818 was before Congress, proin the fantastic visions of the night, the dream would have viding for the "nine months men," a gallant veteran of awakened me, and I should have started from my pillow the Revolution, then a member of the other House, was so indignant at its provisions, that he declared he considered the soldiers who had served throughout the war as dishonored by a law recognising, as equals, the class of persons who would come in under that bill; and such, I have reason to believe, was the general sense of all such men throughout the country.

with horror.

Sir, I have done. I make no apology for detaining you thus. I have, so far as my feeble talents would permit, performed a duty which I owed to myself, my country, and my God.

Note. It is proper to remark, that, in this contrast of the removals in this and the other administrations, I have con- It has been my pride and pleasure, on all proper occafined myself to civil officers. When the speech was made sions, to manifest my gratitude for the heroes of the Revoin the Senate, it so stated, but is here inadvertently omitted. lution, not merely by professions, but by the most uneMr. GRUNDY then moved, without comment, to post-quivocal acts. Here and elsewhere, my efforts have not pone indefinitely the further consideration of the resolu- been wanting to manifest the sentiments by which I am tions; which motion was decided in the affirmative, 24 to 21. animated. But, in refusing to support such a bill as this,

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