Next follows a comparison of the old and the new troops as to appearance, regularity, manœuvres, &c. &c.; all, of course, in favour of the latter, who would appear, according to the eulogium of their advocate, to be always certain of victory, except on one occasion, which, as it may chance to be of some consequence, it is right to specify.

"Should it happen that the enemy is as skilful and well trained as themselves, and employs against them the same discipline, then of the two parties, that will be victorious, whose chiefs are enabled by the favour of Divine Providence, to put in practice with superior address, the new science and stratagems of war which they have learned, because the apostle of the Most High, our great prophet himself, condescended to use military stratagems."

One example is given, which is vouched for as a sacred tradition, and which, no doubt, shews a monstrous deal of cunning.

"During a holy war which was carried on in the happy time of the apostle of God, (on whom be peace!) a certain valiant champion of the enemy's army came out to offer single combat, and demanded that the glorious Alli should be opposed to him. Alli, well pleasing to God, having received the command of the Apostle, girded on his sword only, and immediately went forth alone to the place appointed for the combat. When this friend of the most High met that infidel, he thus addressed him: I come on foot, having one sword; why come you out on horseback having two swords and two bows? The great Alli spoke to him again, saying, let these things be so; but I come out alone to give battle on our side, why do you bring another man, and come both together?' The infidel, at this question, looked about him, believing that another man had followed him, when at the same instant, the great Alli, in the twinkling of an eye, made the vile head of the reprobate fly off."

The remainder of this curious production is occupied with sundry other reasonings and incidental matters, in fartherance of its main purport; and it terminates with the persuasion, that seeing all points have been rendered so clear by this exposition, "those men who are acquainted with the difference between alum and sugar, good and bad, and in whose essence is a leaven of science, will no doubt listen to reason, and by Divine grace, being brought under conviction, will submit themselves to the book of God, mighty and powerful.”

It may be proper to inform the reader, that this expository essay was written in 1804, by order of the Sultan Selim III.'; but that notwithstanding the ingenuity and logical acumen of its author, the institution which it advocates was obliged, shortly afterwards, to be given up, through the clamorous opposition of the Janissaries. The irregularities and inefficiency of the Ottoman armies are, in consequence, as great as formerly.

ART. V. A Memoir of Charles Louis Sand, including a Narrative of the Circumstances attending the Death of Augustus Von Kotzebue, and a Defence of the German Universities. With an Introduction and Explanatory Notes by the Editor. London, Whittaker. 8vo. Pp. xl. and 92.

THE fate of Kotzebue excited a melancholy interest throughout Europe-and the motives of his assassin were scanned with an eagerness which evinced the general conviction that his crime was not of an ordinary nature, to be named with passing emotions of horror, and then forgotten among the other ignoble tragedies which are every day wrought by the savage spirit of man. It was universally felt that there was something deeper and more diffusive in the principles which had led to the lamented catastrophe; and that, with all the symptoms of phrenzy, which characterised the transaction, there was yet mingled much of that gloomy deliberation, which showed the madness to be the effect rather of a fearful train of thinking, than a casual and spontaneous disorder of the understanding. The assassin appeared not so much to be the conscious violator of the law, as a sanguinary enthusiast triumphing over its sanctions, and exulting in the martyrdom which he had fiercely solicited. There was something more than usually appalling in this, to every good and sober mind. The species of crime committed can never, under any circumstance or modification, be viewed by a generous spirit, but with unextenuated horror. It was felt to be an alarming omen to the peace of society, that an individual, otherwise of exemplary virtue, and receiving the esteem and affection of all to whom he was known, should have been so foully corrupted, not by feelings solitary and peculiar to his own bosom, but by principles of which the influence could neither be calculated nor controlled, as to have committed, in the enthusiasm of mistaken virtue, that crime at which the heart of man most deeply revolts, and for which all laws, human and divine, have provided their surest and sternest retribution.

The political origin of the fatal revenge taken upon Kotzebue, was a circumstance not calculated to allay the apprehensions of those who recognised in the offence of Sand, the germ of a system calculated to loosen all the bonds of society, and to render existence a scene of perfidy, disorder, and blood.Kotzebue was a German by birth, but he had been loaded with

favours by the court of Russia, and had in return put forth his literary talents in support of the Russian system, which was deRounced by the German patriots as inimical to the interests of their country, and to that scheme of political renovation which they meditated. The unhappy Kotzebue was one of the most conspicuous and effective of their political antagonists; and for this offence alone, did a young enthusiast of the patriotic school, resolve to immolate him to his revenge. There can be no doubt that this was the sole cause of the catastrophe which ensued; the memoir before us, and the documents cited, remove all hesitation on this subject. No wonder then, that the new and liberal system demanded for Germany, of which the first remarkable development was made in atrocity and blood, should have become odious, not merely with the sovereigns whose power it proposed to invade, but with every one not yet emancipated from the authority of conscience and the clearest sanctions of humanity. The crime of Sand, and the abortive attempt of Lobning to assassinate M. Ibel, which was nearly contempo raneous with the former, spread a general horror of the principles of the innovators, and, as commonly happens in similar cases, deferred the execution of all rational schemes of amelioration for that country which, in the zeal of a mistaken patriotism, they had perpetrated the most enormous offences, and dared the severest punishments, to deliver from oppression. All were struck with indignation and abhorrence of a political school from which such guilty pupils had emanated; the terrors of a system which appeared to substitute the dagger for the pen, as the appropriate weapon of political controversy, were raised to the highest pitch; and monarchs, bent on retaining those arbitrary powers which reason was gradually undermining, beheld with inward satisfaction the phrenzied proceedings of the enemies of their thrones, and felt stronger than ever in the consternation excited by the enormity of such deeds.

It is very true that Sand and Lohning stood apart, in the excess of their sanguinary enthusiasm, from the school with which they were connected, and that no satisfactory traces have hitherto been discovered of that general conspiracy which, in the first moment of alarm, was so naturally suspected and so generally proclaimed. But it is impossible to wash away the taint which the cause of reform to which they were devoted has received from their proceedings. The injury done, in such circumstances, by the pre-eminent guilt or madness of individuals is, in the estimation of the world, inevitably shared by the entire connection to which they may belong, and of which

their doings are held to represent with accuracy the general spirit, animating in excess, perhaps, the bloodier minded enthusiasts, but still sustaining its derivative character from the great source of common principle by which the association has been formed and upheld. All the acts done in furtherance of the common object of the party are ascribed, and not unnaturally ascribed, to the common system of opinions by which they are united. The assassin of Kotzebue may have been a singular and wild fanatic, unparalleled for the excess of his zeal among all the associations formed for the political deliverance of Germany; but his crime will still remain a blot upon their character, and hang a dead weight upon the progress of their cause. There must be something dreadfully lax in point of principle, and fierce in sentiment, in a system which could work such a change upon the gentle and inoffensive nature of Sand, as to have transformed him into a ruthless and unshrinking assasin. His very virtues plead with resistless energy against the new theories by which they were overthrown; and when his fellow-patriots mourn over the wreck of so much mildness and purity, and extol the unrivalled private virtues of this martyr to their cause, they pronounce the severest censure on the system of education under which he, who entered an innocent, was discharged a felon. The liberal ideas which prevail in Germany must have about them something terribly fierce and uncompromising, when the unarmed advocate of another cause-not invested with the symbols of power, but wielding only the weapons of argument and of wit-appeared so hateful and odious, that even one among his enemies could be found vindictive enough to seek his removal by the baseness of assassination. That must be a dangerous enthusiasm of political zeal which could animate with such deep and deadly resentment, against an individual personally unknown and unoffending, a mild and virtuous young man, whom nothing short of this political phrenzy could have emboldened for one moment, even to contemplate the foul crime in which he afterwards exulted. The very virtues of the individual proclaim the sin and the danger of the system.

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But we learn from the editor's introduction to the memoir before us, that when recently in Germany, he was very "forcibly struck by the great degree of involuntary sympathy every where so eagerly manifested in favour of the perpetra"tor, Sand, whose portrait he frequently saw exhibited in frames containing those of the most distinguished German patriots, "while various pamphlets and numerous elegiac stanzas extolled his early virtues, and deplored his melancholy fate." The

editor afterwards assigns what, in his judgment, are the causes of this singular, phenomenon, and proceeds, in the commonplace style, to harangue about the overthrow of Bonapartethe proceedings of the congress at Vienna-the breach of their solemn promises by the allied sovereigns, &c. thus distinctly identifying the unnatural sympathy felt for the assassin with a general feeling of discontent prevalent throughout Germanyor, in other words, with the genius of reform which is now abroad upon the earth. If this author be in the right, then the deed of Sand cannot be disconnected with the cause in which he embarked, or with the great mass of its zealous supporters throughout Germany. They who can feel so profound a sympathy with the assassin, when his bloody act has once been perpetrated, would not, it may be suspected, have shewn the greatest possible alacrity in averting its commission. The crime is one" which rather they do fear to do than wish should be undone." They are accessories after the fact, and become involved by their sympathy and applause in the moral, if not the legal guilt of the foul deed. If such be truly the sentiments of the reformers in Germany-and we would confine the charge to them, without for a moment including, as this editor does, the mass of the people in the odious imputation-it is vain to talk of the crime of Sand as being in its principle insulated and solitary, and impossible to defend the cause of reform in Germany from the odium which, in so many other countries it has justly brought down upon itself by its unscrupulous principles and multifarious and savage crimes.

Similar notions have been indirectly, but not indistinctly propagated in other quarters. The practice of Sand has been imitated in France; and preparations were making, and had advanced to the very eve of execution, for trying the same experiment upon a larger and bloodier scale in England itself, when a fortunate discovery averted the sad and shameful catastrophe. In all the instances that have occurred from that of the German student down to the base assemblage of ruffians in Cato-street, a feeling of right, and an apparent consciousness of virtue, variously modified according to the rank and education of the different felons, appears to have prevailed in the minds of all of them; and this circumstance undoubtedly forms the most alarming symptom in the disease with which the laws of society will have to contend. Sand rushed to his object with the devotion of a hero and a martyr. He had reflected, doubted, deliberated, and at last resolved, after appearing to exhaust every precaution with which a virtuous mind approaches