between them is chiefly that Ps. xiv. speaks of the LORD, that is, of Jehovah, where Ps. liii. speaks of God. (This is frequently expressed otherwise by stating that Ps. liii. is an Elohistic version of Ps. xiv.) That one psalm is borrowed from the other cannot be doubted, and that the variation is due to liturgical purposes is highly probable.

Again, we find an instance of part of one psalm being cut off to form another psalm. For instance, Ps. lxx. consists almost word for word of the last five verses of Ps. xl. It is hard to account for this, except upon the liturgical hypothesis.

One psalm appears to be a compound of certain others. This is a phenomenon bearing out the truth of what we have supposed to be the case. Ps. cviii. is made up of Ps. lvii. 7-11 and lx. 5-12, the differences being very slight. There can be no doubt that this is due to an occasion being found to which neither Ps. lvii. nor lx. were suitable while complete, but that the separate parts would, when combined, be an exact expression of the devotional feelings of those who used them. Still, however, this compound psalm was not rejected from the Psalter (as was another of the same nature which appears in 1 Chron. xvi. 7-36, which is composed of cv. 1-16; xcvi. 2-7, 11-13), but was preserved as one of the "Songs." Thus we may well suppose that, as hymn after hymn was composed for divine service by the Psalmist, or as it was adapted from existing hymns to suit a special occasion, it was added to the existing collection, occasionally with the musical directions remaining which indicated what instruments were to accompany the hymn, who was to sing it, and what the tune was to be. We shall notice under the heading of the Titles an important fact bearing this out.

We have already referred to the Psalter as being a Bible in miniature, and as forming in itself a complete work. To the Jew it appeared to be framed upon the model of the Law, being divided, as the Law was, into five books. The antiquity of these divisions must be very great, though it cannot be ascertained. We can trace them in the English version by the benediction with which each book closes, and in one place, by a remarkable notice in the text, we can distinguish traces of a far earlier edition of the Psalter than that which we have at present. The first book ends with Ps. xli., the benediction being, "Blessed be the Lord God of Israel from everlasting and everlasting, Amen and Amen." The second book ends with Ps. lxxii., the benediction (vv. 18, 19) being partly taken from the words of the LORD recorded in Numb. xiv. 21. To this is added the "Amen, Amen," as at the close of each of the three first books. On this follows the remarkable notice which informs the reader that "The prayers of David the son of Jesse are ended." These words, it is clear, suggest to us that at some early time the collection of psalms ended here; for they are inconsistent with the appearance of many psalms directly ascribed to David in the other books, unless we suppose those other Davidic psalms to have been added to the collection at a later date. Just as in an

old building we find occasionally an ancient piece of moulding in some position where it is not needed, which was left there by an architect who altered the character of the building at an early date, that we might see what the form of it was before he touched it, so does this verse appear to have been left in the text to show us how the sacred book has increased in its contents from time to time, and with what pains the compilers of it fulfilled their tasks. The third book concludes with Ps. lxxxix., the benediction being almost similar to that in Book I. The fourth book concludes with Ps. cvi., and the benediction differs from that of Book I. by the addition of the word "Hallelujah,” or Praise ye the Lord." We may regard the last five psalms, or at least Ps. cl., as the benediction of the last book. The words, 'Let every thing that hath breath praise the LORD, Hallelujah," are a worthy termination of so glorious a book.

66

Such, then, are the divisions of the Psalter indicated not only by the inscriptions which are found in the Hebrew text, but also by the benedictions. It remains for us to examine the principles upon which these divisions were made. We approach this difficult inquiry with only two principles to guide us, (1) How far do the contents of the several psalms and their subject-matter aid us in forming an adequate and consistent theory of accounting for the division? (2) How far are the titles of any service in our inquiry?

(1.) As far as the subject-matter is concerned, it would appear as if it had been the intention of the compilers to place the earliest psalms at the beginning of the collection, and those by later authors in the subsequent books. But here a reader might ask with great reason, "How can it be known, apart from the title, whether a psalm is early or late?" We can discover the date of a psalm, partly from historical references, partly from the style. Thus many psalms speak of one who is hotly pursued by enemies (xxii. 12— 16; xxvii. 10-12), sleeping in the wilderness underneath the open air (lvii.), and betrayed by one in whom he had placed all his trust (lxix.). There can be little doubt from the historical references that such Psalms refer to David. Or, to take another instance, Ps. xlv. speaks of one who is fair (ver. 2), brave (ver. 3), prosperous (ver. 4), powerful (ver. 5), just (ver. 6), magnificent (ver. 7). No historical character mentioned in the Old Testament, except Solomon, falls under such a description; consequently by the historical references we should infer that such a psalm was composed by one who lived in the days of Solomon.

But (2) the style is also a great indication of date, though for the English reader it is not so easy to discern variations of style, as it is for one who is acquainted with a little Hebrew. A safe rule to follow with regard to style as an indication of the date of the composition of any psalm is that laid down by De Wette (Commentary on the Psalms, 5th Edit., pp. 15, 16), "The more difficult and awkward that the language is, the more terse and concise the mode in which the thoughts are expressed, the earlier is the date

of the psalm; and on the contrary, as the language is the more easy and the more flowing, as the thoughts appear to be set down upon some definite plan, the later is the date of any psalm." This is precisely what we find in many psalms of the two first books-Ps. ix. and x. are to an English reader most obscure; the difficulties which a Hebrew scholar finds in them are immense, both as to language and thought-consequently it is nearly certain that they are of an earlier date than a psalm such as lxxviii., where a clear and definite plan can be traced throughout the whole. The reader cannot be too careful, however, in forming any estimate of the style of an author. Style varies in the same author so much, according as his own circumstances or his feelings move him, that we are very liable to make mistakes. If of two great Hebrew scholars one affirms that a psalm is written in David's time, and the other that the same psalm was written some six or seven hundred years later, and each bases his arguments for the date upon the style of the psalm, into what errors may not those fall who, with little knowledge of Hebrew, and with only a superficial knowledge of Jewish history, venture to assign each psalm to its date?

Roughly speaking, then, we may state that the first two books, so far as style is any evidence, contain the earliest psalms. We may now examine how far the titles bear out this. We may notice in the first place that anonymous psalms, which are rare in the first two books, are not once met with in the third book, but are very frequent in the last two books, ten out of the seventeen psalms composing the fourth book, and eighteen out of the forty-four which form the last book being without any author's name mentioned in the title.

Again, in the first book, all the psalms which are not anonymous (the anonymous psalms are i., ii., x., and xxxiii., and it is highly probable that Ps. ix. and x. were originally one psalm) are ascribed to David. Thirteen psalms in the second book, one in the third, two in the fourth, and fifteen in the fifth, are also stated by the titles to have been written by him. Again, in the first book nineteen psalms are inscribed to the chief musician, twenty-five in the second book, eight in the third, none in the fourth, and only three in the fifth. This would seem to indicate that the office of chief musician had ceased to be of such importance when the three last books were added as it was when the two first books were arranged, and would point to a later date.

On the other hand, we find the name of Asaph prefixed to one psalm only in the first book, to eleven in the second, and to no others. The sons of Korah are mentioned in the titles of seven psalms in the second book, and of four in the third, but nowhere else. The name Maschil" appears once only in the first and fifth books, never in the fourth book, seven times in the second book, and four times in the third. The much perplexing name Michtam appears once in the first book, five times in the second, and nowhere else. Psalms of Degrees, in which there are many references

to late events in Jewish history, are found in the fifth book only.

With these facts before us, it would appear that what we inferred from the subject-matter and historical contents of the Psalms is fully borne out by the titles. The Psalms of David occupy the chief part of the first book; those of the sons of Korah and anonymous psalms form the basis of the second; Psalms of Asaph a large proportion of the third book; the fourth book consists chiefly of anonymous psalms; the fifth is a miscellaneous collection.

A further distinction has been supposed to exist between the books, and to account for the present arrangement; this is the difference between the names which are used by the psalmists when they would speak of God. It will be observed that in some psalms "God" is only spoken of, in others "the LORD." Thus it has been observed that in Book I. "God" is used 43 times, "the LORD" 272 times; in Book II. “God” is used 164 times, "the LORD" 30 times; in Book III. "God" is used 43 times, "the LORD" 44 times. Now, whatever these facts may imply, we cannot believe that the compilers of the Psalter counted diligently how often these names were used in the different psalms, and then arranged them in books accordingly. It is quite as hard to maintain an early origin as a late from such data. All that we can do is to state the fact and leave it unexplained. It is a fact as certainly as it is a fact that the name "God" is used more than twice as often as the name "Lord" in the collects from Advent to Trinity Sunday, but that in the twenty-five Sundays after Trinity the name "Lord" is used half as often again as the name "God." The cases are certainly parallel, and if no inference can be drawn in the one case, why should it be drawn in the other?

We would gladly classify these five books according to their subject-matter, but such a task has hitherto proved impracticable. We give the best scheme that has been given, but that is unsatisfactory. According to this scheme, Book I. consists of prayers suitable for any day, and for any time or condition of life; Book II., of psalms for holy days and public worship in general; Book III., of lamentations on account of national disasters; Book IV., psalms of joy and hope; Book V., general Temple hymns.

It remains for us now to examine the various classes of hymns that we meet with in the Psalter viewed as one book, and to attempt to classify them, so far as we can, under their separate heads. Though it is impossible to make the line of demarcation between them as clear and as distinct as we could wish, they may be roughly divided as follows:

1. Hymns of Praise, such as viii., xix., xxix., xxxiii., lxv., xciii., civ., cxlv., &c.

2. Historical Hymns, in which the mind of the spiritual reader is elevated to God by the repeated mention of His mercies to Israel, which afford hope of further mercies, such as lxxviii., cv., cvi., cxiv.

3. Others refer to the Tabernacle, or the Temple, regarded as the place where God's presence was espe

cially to be sought by the pious Jew, such as Ps. xv., xxiv., lxviii., lxxi., lxxvii., cxxxii., cxxxiv., cxxxv.

4. Others speak especially of a King of the house of David whose reign is to be glorious, and unlimited both in duration and extent, such as Ps. ii., xx., xxi., xlv., lxxii., CX. These are psalms which we find frequently applied to Christ in the New Testament. On account of this, and also on account of the early belief of the Jews that certain of these psalms applied to the Messiah, they are called the Messianic Psalms.

Others again describe the sufferings of one who is in great distress, all, except Ps. lxxxviii., brightening up towards the end with the hope of deliverance, which culminate into a hymn of praise-e.g., Ps. vii., x., xi., xii., xiv., xxii., lv., lvi., lxxxviii., cix., cxxxvii. The suffering described is occasionally mental, occasionally physical. Some of these-Ps. vi., xxxii., xxxviii., li., cii., cxxx., cxliii.—are used by the Church as penitential psalms.

Some of the Psalms are of an entirely different description, being didactic in their style, or hymns of instruction rather than prayers, or hymns of praise and thanksgiving. Among these may be mentioned Ps. xxxvii., xlix., lxxiii.

Another class consists of purely spiritual hymns and songs, such as Ps. i., xxiii., xlii., xliii., ci., exxi., cxxvii., cxxviii., cxxxiii., cxxxix.

But, as we observed, an accurate classification is impossible. A psalm expressive of the deepest sorrow, such as Ps. xxii., terminates in the brightest expression of thankfulness; a psalm of praise, such as Ps. xxxiv. is at the beginning, becomes in the end didactic; Ps. ciii., which is a burst of praise in the beginning and in the end, becomes didactic in the middle part.

However, before we take leave of this division of our subject, we must notice two classes of psalms, which are remarkable, the first from their form, the second from their title: these are known as (1) the Alphabetical Psalms, (2) the Songs of Degrees.

(1.) The first class consists of eight psalms, i.e., ix., x., (which we view as one), xxv., xxxiv., xxxvii., cxi., cxii., cxix., cxlv. The peculiarity of this class of psalms consists in a certain alphabetical or acrostic arrange. ment of the verses, by which each initial letter of each verse follows the preceding as one letter in the alphabet follows another. The English reader will understand this arrangement most easily by referring to the Bible version of Ps. cxix. The names of the twenty-two Hebrew letters will be observed at the head of each of the twenty-two subdivisions of the psalm. This is the most perfect specimen of alphabetical writing that is to be found in the Scriptures, as each of the eight verses that forms a subdivision of the psalm begins with the same letter. However, the alphabetical arrangement is not always carried out so systematically as in this psalm. In Ps. ix., x., we find a very interesting specimen of this style. With the exception of the letter daleth, all the letters as far as caph are found at the beginning of verses in Ps. ix. Ps. x. begins with lamed. There then follows a break in the alphabetical arrangement till the end of verse 11. Verses 12, 14, 15, and

17 begin with the last four letters of the alphabet. The whole style of the psalm, as is frequently the case when the wicked are the subject, is very rugged, and the alphabetical arrangement accords with the style. Ps. xxv. is more complete. The first letter of the alphabet begins each of the two first verses, but by the transposition of the two first words of the second verse it may be made to begin with beth. The letters vau and koph are missing, resh beginning both verse 18 and verse 19. The last verse, which bears the marks of a later liturgical addition, begins with pe. To this Ps. xxxiv. is somewhat similar in arrangement, the letter vau being absent, and the last verse beginning with pe. Ps. xxxvii. is more complete, most of the pairs of verses beginning with the corresponding letter of the alphabet. The letter ayin is missing, and the last two verses begin with vau, the second letters of each word, however, beginning with the last letter of the alphabet. The variations from the couplet arrangement are found in the verses beginning with vau, caph, shin, tsaddi, koph; samech having three verses, the other letters only one. Ps. cxi. and cxii. form a pair in which the first eight verses are so written that the alphabetical arrangement applies to each half of every verse, while the last six letters of the alphabet are employed in the three subdivisions of the two last verses. The arrangement in these psalms may be said to be symmetrical, though irregular. Of Ps. cxix., the only one which is regular and symmetrical in its arrangement, we have spoken already. The series closes with Ps. cxlv., which is deficient in the letter nun.

What was the object of such an arrangement it is not easy to say. It may have been intended to assist the memory. But with far greater probability it was intended to be a poetical ornament, corresponding to the alliterative style which is found in some early English poems. There is nothing in this style which indicates an author living at a late period. On the contrary, it would rather betoken an early state of literature. It may be a germ of that great ornament of assonance, which is used so freely and with such beauty by the prophet Isaiah.

(2.) The Songs of Degrees are fifteen in number, reaching from Ps. cxx. to Ps. cxxxiv. The word translated "degrees" in our English version means “steps” in the Hebrew, whence it has been supposed by some that these "Gradual Psalms" were sung on fifteen steps which led into the Court of Israel. This.account, however, looks doubtful; it has very little authority to support it, the internal evidence in some verses being against it. Others have supposed that they were sung by the Jews as they returned from the Captivity, but there is too little mention made of the deliverance from Babylon to make this probable; besides, the passages where the Captivity is mentioned, speak of it as an old event. With more probability they may be looked upon as pilgrim songs, which were chanted by the people as they went up to the Holy City. We can almost trace the progress of their pilgrimage from these songs. In Ps. cxx. we see them in some distress upon the road.

In Ps. cxxi. they pitch their tents within sight of the mountains that stand round about Jerusalem. In Ps. cxxii. the city with its walls and palaces bursts upon their gaze. The songs continue to describe the feelings of the pilgrims as they approach nearer and nearer to the end of their journey. In Ps. cxxx. we have their penitential psalm, in Ps. cxxxi. the prayer of humble access, reminding us of the conditions laid down in Ps. xv. and xxiv., by observing which only might man venture to dwell in God's tabernacle. But not till the end of the series, i.e., Ps. cxxxiv., does the happy band find itself safe within the walls of the sanctuary, and there lift up the hands to bless the Lord. One other explanation of the name must be mentioned. From a peculiar way in which the thoughts are arranged in many of the psalms, an idea which is prominent at the end of one verse being made to begin the succeeding verse, the notion of "steps" has been supposed to have arisen. A good instance of the "step" style is found in Ps. cxxi.

"I will lift up mine eyes unto the hills
From whence cometh my help;

My help cometh from the LORD Which made heaven and earth."

where the words in italic characters exemplify what we speak of. This style is not peculiar to the Psalms. We give a remarkable instance of it from Isa. xxvi., where a hymn occurs which reminds us of many passages in the Psalms. The words which illustrate the "step" arrangement are printed in italic type :-"3. Thou wilt keep him in perfect peace Whose mind is stayed on Thee,

Because He trusteth in Thee.

4. Trust ye in the Lord for ever,

For in the LORD JEHOVAH is everlasting strength.

5. For He bringeth down them that dwell on high; The lofty city, He layeth it low;

He layeth it low, even to the ground,
He bringeth it even to the dust.

6. The foot shall tread it down,
Even the foot of the poor,

And the steps of the needy.

7. The way of the just is uprightness: Thou, most upright,

Dost weigh the path of the just.

8. Yea, in the way of thy judgments, O LORD," &c. (Isa. xxvi.)

THE SONS OF ANTIPATER.

F the two sons thus appointed to prominent positions, the younger, Herod,' soon began to display uncommon abilities, and the most unbounded ambition. Though only twenty-five years of age, the new governor of Galilee turned his energies at once to the efficient management of his province. Numerous robber bands which infested the confines of Syria, were resolutely attacked; their chief, Hezekias, was put to death, and security was restored.

Such decision won the praises of multitudes in the towns and cities of Syria, and especially of Sextus Cæsar, the new president of the province. But the Sanhedrin at Jerusalem had not been consulted, and Hyrcanus felt that Antipater and his sons were everything, while he was of no account. Accordingly Herod was summoned before the Sanhedrin to answer for his conduct, and appeared, not in the garb of a suppliant, but clothed in purple,3 accompanied by a strong body-guard, and with a letter from Sextus Cæsar demanding his acquittal. Such insolent dictation provoked the anger of the council, but they would have been too terrified to proceed to judgment had it not been for Sameas, or Shammai,

1 His mother was Cypros, an Arabian of noble descent (Jos. Ant. xiv. 7, §3).

Josephus says fifteen, but for aevтekaideka we ought apparently to read #errekaleikoσi (Jos. Ant. xiv. 9, §2; B. J. i. 10, § 4. 3 Jos. Ant. xiv. 9, § 4.

one of the most learned of the Rabbis, and a strict observer of the Law. He sternly rebuked the culprit, and urged his fellow-judges to pronounce sentence of death.

They would have acted on his advice, but the timid Hyrcanus secretly urged the criminal to flee from the city. Herod took the hint, and flying to Damascus threw himself at the feet of Sextus Cæsar, who appointed him governor of Cole-Syria and Samaria. Filled with rage, he soon gathered an army, and, marching against Jerusalem, would have avenged the affront he had received, had it not been for the intervention of his father and brother, who urged him to be satisfied with his acquittal, and to draw off his troops.5

This was in B.C. 46. Two years later, B.C. 44, Cæsar was assassinated at Rome, and Antipater addressed himself to the task of meeting the new situation, unexpected even by his sagacity. Cassius, the chief conspirator in the murder of Cæsar, became pro-consul of Syria, and arriving in Judæa, enforced upon the country the enormous tribute of seven hundred talents of silver. Antipater commissioned Herod to collect the quota from Galilee, while Malichus, a powerful Jew, and an adherent of Hyrcanus, was directed to obtain the rest. Herod, with characteristic energy, employed himself in raising two hundred talents for Galilee, and so gained the favour of Cassius, while the people of Lydda, Gophna, and Emmaus, being backward in their contributions, were sold into slavery; but so incensed was the pro-consul at

Jos. Ant. xiv. 9, §5; B. J. i. 10, § 8.

5 See Merivale's Romans under the Empire, iii. 579.

Malichus for his dilatoriness, that he would have put him to death, had it not been for the intervention of Antipater, who advanced one hundred talents on his account.' Herod was now confirmed in the government of Cole-Syria, and Cassius even promised him the kingdom of Judea, if the arms of the Republic proved triumphant. Soon afterwards Antipater perished by poison, administered with the connivance of Malichus, who had ineffectually made an open attempt upon his life. Herod would have taken instant vengeance upon the murderer, but was dissuaded by Phasael. Eventually he got him into his power, and caused him to be put to death.2

It was now obvious that the virtual supremacy lay more than ever in the hands of the sons of Antipater. The party of Hyrcanus struggled in vain against their ascendancy. But it was not the policy of Herod openly to break with the high priest; and to conciliate the Jews who clung to the Asmonean family, he was betrothed,3 with the consent of Hyrcanus, to his beautiful and accomplished grand-daughter, Mariamne, who was as yet a child.

5

Meanwhile, the forces of Brutus and Cassius had met their opponents Antonius and Octavius on the disastrous field of Philippi, B.C. 42. The conquerors separated. Octavius hurried to Italy, Antonius to Asia. No sooner had the latter arrived in Bithynia, than a number of influential Jews waited upon him to urge heavy complaints against Herod and Phasael. But Herod plied him with such heavy bribes, that the complainants could not obtain a hearing. In the following year, B.C. 41, another deputation met him at Daphne, near Antioch, and on this occasion they were accompanied by Hyrcanus himself. The Roman heard what they had to say, and then turning to the high priest asked whom he deemed best fitted to rule the country. Remembering the projected alliance between Herod and his granddaughter, Hyrcanus named the sons of Antipater, and Antonius readily consenting, they were named tetrarchs of Judea; nor could another deputation of one thousand Jews, who waited upon him at Tyre, alter his decision."

But now an unexpected power appeared in the country, and Judea became the victim of the strife for empire between Rome and Parthia. While Antonius was wasting his time in the society of Cleopatra, Queen of Egypt, the Parthians, under Pacorus, having been bribed by Antigonus, advanced through Syria, and made themselves masters of Sidon, Ptolemais, and all

the coast except Tyre.9 Hence a division of the Parthian forces marched against Jerusalem, and their leader, admitted within the walls, proposed to act as umpire between the rival claimants for the throne of Judæa.

Phasael assented, and in an evil hour, accompanied by Hyrcanus, repaired to the Parthian governor in Galilee, who threw them both into chains. Herod, suspecting treachery, preferred to stay behind in the Baris 10 at Jerusalem, where he had taken refuge, and thence fled by night to Masada," a strong fortress at the southern end of the Dead Sea, where he left his wife and followers in the care of his brother Joseph. Thence he hastened towards Petra, to seek the aid of Malchus, the successor of Aretas. But met by envoys prohibiting his approach, he made his way to Pelusium, and thence to Alexandria, where Cleopatra tried in vain to induce him to take the command of an expedition. With true insight he saw that in the capital of the West his fortunes were to be made, and though it was the depth of winter,12 took ship and sailed for Rome, B.C. 40.

CHAPTER XIV.

HEROD KING OF JUDEA.

MEANWHILE the Parthians had obtained possession of Jerusalem. Antigonus was made king, and Hyrcanus and Phasael were delivered into his power. The latter, knowing his death was certain, beat out his brains against the walls of his prison. As for Hyrcanus, while he knelt in the posture of a suppliant before Antigonus, the new king, resolved that he should never hold the office of high priest again, bit off his ears, 13 and then sent him to be led prisoner to Seleucia by the Parthians. Thus Jerusalem was left in the hands of a foreign army, who committed the greatest excesses.

Herod in the meantime had not been idle. On arriving at Rome, he found Antonius at the summit of power. The triumvir received him with the utmost distinction, and introduced him to Octavius, who at once recalled the services which the Idumean had rendered to the great Julius. A Parthian campaign was at this time being diligently planned by Antonius, and he found in Herod a useful ally. Within seven days, therefore, he procured a decree of the senate, nominating him king of Judæa, and Herod, successful beyond his most sanguine hopes, walked in procession between Octavius and Antonius, preceded by the consuls and other magistrates, to the Capitol, where the usual sacrifices were offered, and

9 Jos. B. J. i. 13, § 1; Ant. xiv. 13, §3; Dion. xlviii. 26.

10 Afterwards known as the Tower of Antonia, when restored and enlarged by Herod.

11 This fortress, now called Sebbeh, was situated at the S. W. end of the Dead Sea, on a rock rising to a height of 1,500 feet, and separated from the neighbouring mountain-range by deep ravines. It was first built by Jonathan Maccabæus. (See Traill's Josephus ; Robinson's Biblical Researches, i. 525.)

12 Μήτε τὴν ἀκμὴν τοῦ χειμῶνος ὑποδείσας (Jos. B. J. i. 14, § 2); Χειμώνός τε ὄντος (Ant. xiv. 14, § 2).

13 Jos. B. J. i. 13, § 9.