1763]

THE DETROIT HABITANTS.

II

Independently of the enmity of the Indians, the Canadian settlers of Detroit were, for the most part, strongly disaffected to the new government. After hostilities at Detroit had commenced, major Gladwin, the officer in command, placed on record his estimate of those by whom he was surrounded.* After two months of siege, he had learned to distinguish friend from foe. The habitants of Detroit aided the traders in the dissemination of the false report, that a French army and fleet were looked for in the Saint Lawrence, and that a force would arrive from the Illinois. Gladwin described these traders as from Montreal; the probability is that they were from the Mississippi. When Gladwin received news of the peace, and made it public by proclamation in the hope of quieting the feeling of those shewing hostility, he was met by a deliberate contradiction. It was stated that the news was false, and an invention to keep the Indians quiet by awakening their fears.

The Canadian voyageurs to the west of Detroit were equally

sober and natural account of the interview in his journal, Rogers represents his meeting with Pontiac in a totally different light. It is impossible that any such event could have happened. The account given of Indian life is mythical to the extent of being ridiculous, an assertion easy to establish by reference to any contemporary writer. One sentence is sufficient to prove the valueless character of this volume. "The Indians on the lakes are generally at peace one with another, having a wide, extended, fruitful country, in their possession. They are formed into a sort of empire, and the emperor is elected from the eldest tribe, which is the Ottawas, some of whom inhabit near our fort, at Detroit, but are mostly further westward towards the Mississippi. Pontiack is their present king or emperor, who has certainly the largest empire and greatest authority of any Indian chief that has appeared on the continent since our acquaintance with it. He puts on an air of majesty and princely grandeur, and is greatly honoured and revered by his subjects. He not long since formed a design of uniting all the Indian nations together under his authority, but miscarried in the attempt."

The second account of the meeting with Pontiac is to be found on pp. 241-245. The only explanation of its extravagance is, that it is the work of one who knew nothing of what he was writing.

* 8th July, 1763. Can. Arch., A. & W. I., 98.1, p. 305. "It will Appear ere long that One Half of the Settlement merit a Gibbet, and the Other Half ought to be Decimated. Nevertheless there is some Honest men among them to whom I am Infinitely Obliged; I mean, sir, Monsieur Navarre, the two Babys & my Interpreters, St. Martin & La Bute."

unfriendly. Established in small numbers in the neighbourhood of several of the posts, from time to time roaming through the territory, they readily believed, as their hope suggested, that France would retain possession of Canada. These men were without education beyond the matter of their material requirements, and the observance of the duties enforced by their church; and as in the case of the Acadians, loyalty to their past nationality was enforced as a religious obligation. Their connection with Montreal was slight, being confined to the spring arrival of stores, and to the departure of the canoes which descended at the close of the navigation; their world was the forest by which they were surrounded.

The whole of 1761-1762 was given to the development of the plot, the design of which was the destruction of every western post. It was even hoped that Niagara might be surprised by the aid of the Senecas, and that the territory west of lake Ontario would revert to Indian domination. In spite of he cunning with which the movement had been made, it had attracted attention. It has been said that Gladwin was taken by surprise at Detroit; the contrary is proved by his own letter in April, representing the Indians as ill disposed and expressing great discontent and likely to give trouble.* He also sent intelligence of the report to forts Pitt, Sandusky, and Presqu'île. It is an act of injustice to this able and good soldier to attribute to him either want of caution or failure to estimate correctly the emergencies he would be called upon . to meet. In no respect was he found wanting in the hour of trial. That such was the case may be attributed to the prescience with which he foresaw the shadow which was to fall upon him, in these trying times, steadily advancing. He girded himself with determination to meet the danger, and when the blow fell his resolution obtained, as so often happens, the reward of gallantry and constancy of purpose, that

Gladwin to Amherst, 20th April, 1763. After reporting the Shawanees and Delawares to be ill disposed, he adds: "They Say we mean to make Slaves of them by Taking so many Posts in the Country, and that they had better Attempt Something now to Recover their liberty than wait until we were better Established." [Can. Arch., A. & W. I., 98.1, p. 79.]

1763]

THE "PONDIAK" MS.

13

of seeing his arrogant and savage foe humbly sue for peace and forgiveness.

The first act of positive hostility took place on the 9th of May, 1763. Before the expiration of six weeks eight of the secondary forts had been destroyed, the small garrisons killed or made prisoners, the whole western territory in the flame of revolt, and more or less the scene of Indian outrage. At Detroit only, Pontiac came into prominence. The writer of a MS., recording what took place during the attack, to which I consider more weight ought to be given than has been accorded to it, describes Pontiac as vindictive by nature and easily offended. He had received from major Gladwin some treatment which, having been construed into an insult, had rankled in his mind: accordingly he was more disposed to listen to the promptings of the Mississippi traders. He undoubtedly played an important part before Detroit: with the exception that from time to time he was sending messengers among the other tribes to induce them to join in his enterprise, and foment the enmity to which he tenaciously adhered, I fail to see the evidence that he was the originator and prime mover

* The Pondiak MS. is published in English in the Michigan pioneer collections [VIII., 266, 339.] The original is in French and in possession of the Historical Society of Michigan. It is in reality a journal of what took place during the attack, the events being noted day by day until the defeat of Dalyell's attempted surprise. Commencing on the 7th of May it is continued to Sunday, the 31st of July. It may be inferred that the narrative was subsequently expanded from a roughly kept journal. In my humble judgment the relation is worthy of credit, especially as to what happened during the months of the siege. The name of the chief in this narrative is spelt "Pondiak." In the official correspondence he is mentioned both as "Pondiak" and "Pontiac." I follow the latter form as established by Mr. Parkman. I am, however, unable to attach weight to the other narratives given in the "Michigan Pioneer collections," VIII., pp. 341 et seq. Mrs. Meloche, living in 1824, had just been married in 1763, and was probably fourteen or fifteen. Charles Gouin, seventy-two in 1824, was at the time eleven. Gabriel St. Aubyn was fifteen years old. Parent was a young man of about twenty-one. Peltier was sixteen years old. A Major Thompson Maxwell is given as an authority. The inference is that he was not present during the operations, and his statement may be regarded as a fable. These narratives are in many cases at variance with established facts, and are entirely out of accord with each other. They are otherwise unauthenticated ; and I am of opinion little reliance can be placed on any of the statements they contain.

of the organization. His own tribe, the Ottawas, were easily led to the acceptance of his views, but without allies its numbers were unequal to any serious attempt. Pontiac accordingly appealed to the Chippewas; their chief Ninevois fell entirely under his influence. Even with this increase of force, the number only amounted to four hundred: the attempt consequently was made to induce the Hurons to join him. After some hesitation an alliance with a portion of the tribe was effected.

These preparations were succeeded by a general council, held on the 27th of April, 1763, on the river Ecorce, a few miles south of Detroit. This was largely attended. The numbers present suggesting confidence in the undertaking, the resolution was formed, that before the arrival of the spring canoes the fort should be attacked, and that Pontiac should obtain admission on some friendly pretence, to observe its strength and weakness. The garrison, under the command of major Gladwin, of the 80th regiment, consisted of about 120 men of all ranks, of the 39th regiment: some forty fur traders, with their attendants, remained within the enclosure, almost all of whom were French Canadians.

Major Henry Gladwin had seen much service. He had arrived in Braddock's expedition in 1755; his name appears in the list of wounded of the 48th regiment, in which he served as a lieutenant. He obtained his captaincy in the Soth, and became major of that regiment; he had been present in the expedition of Amherst, of 1760, which ended in the capitulation of Montreal.*

His character is best made known by the record of his gallant defence of the fort he commanded.

On the 1st of May, Pontiac, with forty of his tribe, presented himself at the chief entrance, and asked that he and the chiefs might be permitted to perform their dance as a token of peace and amity; they were admitted. Thirty joined in the

He afterwards acted as deputy-adjutant-general during the revolutionary war. He died a major-general, at his place at Stubbing, near Chesterfield, in Derby, in

1791.

1763]

MAJOR GLADWIN.

15

dance; the remaining ten roamed through the fort, apparently to gratify their curiosity, in reality to observe any weak point of attack. The dance over, the Indians took their leave.

I have mentioned that towards the end of April, Gladwin had drawn the attention of Amherst to the unsettled condition of Indian feeling. His intelligence must have been received through the loyal portion of the Canadians in the neighbourhood, and he was again indebted to them for more important information. He learned that it was the intention to surprise the fort, and he took every precaution to guard against treachery and simulated friendship: he was resolved at least that he should not be attacked under the mask of Indian ceremony, and that the enemy should find the garrison with arms in their hands. As he himself stated, he was "luckily informed" of the intended surprise,* and he took ample steps to guard against it. He heard from some source, which has not been clearly stated, that the Indians were filing off the tops of the barrels of their muskets, so that they could be concealed under their blankets. The design was, that Pontiac was to demand a council, at which he would attend with sixty warriors similarly armed, and on a given signal they were to shoot down' the officers present. The remaining Indians admitted to the barrack yard, not included in the council, on hearing the firing, should attack the soldiers and British traders, but spare the Canadians. The plan had been accepted in a council held after the dance of the 1st of May, at the Pottawattamie village in the neighbourhood. In his address on this occasion, Pontiac complained that their wants were no longer supplied as in the time of the French; that the English had doubled the price of goods and would give no credit; that when anything was asked for the sick, it was refused. It was plain, he added, that the Englishman desired the death of the Indian, and therefore he himself must be destroyed. The belts received from the king of France told them to strike. The French Canadians would not interfere; they had not been made acquainted with the Indian design, for they were without arms. If any French

Gladwin to Amherst, 14th May, 1763, Can. Arch., A. & W. I., 98.1, 136.