earth. Canada was an excellent base of operations, and 10,000 or 20,000 men collected next spring at Quebec, would change the face of things on the continent.

This letter was entrusted to his aide-de-camp, lord Pitt, and as the state of affairs became more threatening, Carleton took the opportunity of sending lady Carleton to England. She left shortly after the 1st of October, to return, however, to Canada the following year.

It was the last act of service of lord Pitt in the war. On his arrival in England, lady Chatham wrote to Carleton, that from Chatham's fixed opinion with regard to the continuance of the "unhappy war with our fellow subjects in America," he deemed it necessary to cause the retirement of his son from the service. †

* "Bientôt après inopinément et tout à coup, on a retenu sur un des vaisseaux qui sont au port, le passage de Lady Maria Carleton qui doit partir sous peu de jours avec sa famille pour l'Angleterre. Lord Pitt et d'autres partent pour l'Angleterre." Lettre à un ami à Londres, Quebec, 1 Oct., 1775. [Ver reault, p. 351.] We are informed by the baroness Riedesel, who in June, 1777, arrived in Quebec by the first ships which left England in April, that she was received by lady Carleton, in itself a proof that the latter returned to Canada the preceding year. Als wir ans Land stiegen fand ich ein kleines kariol mit einem Pferde. Dieses war die Equipage der Generalin Carleton, welche mich bitten liess zu ihr zum Essen zu kommen, and auch bei ihr zu logiren." Die Berufs Reise nach America, 1801, p. 105.

Hutchinson [Diary

+ Lord Pitt reached London on the 2nd of November. and Letters, I., p. 554] describes the adventure which he experienced a few miles from town: "When Lord Pitt arrived from Quebec on Thursday evening, Mr. Pownall came to town with him, in the post-chaise from Blackheath. By the New Cross Inn they were stopped by a single Highwayman. Lord Pitt had pistols, which they supposed the Highwayman perceived when he stopped the postilion, for he immediately put his arm around the postilion, and fired a pistol, but no ball entered the chaise; upon which they both jumped out, each taking a pistol. Mr. Pownall burnt priming, but the pistol did not go off. The Highwayman then set spurs to his horse and they saw no more of him."

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CHAPTER II.

As these events forced themselves upon Carleton's attention, he formed the opinion that the design of congress was to obtain possession of Canada, by means of the aid given in the province by sympathisers with their cause. It was confidently hoped that the French Canadians would, as a body, be induced to remain neutral, either from expectation of the benefits they would derive; or that from fear of reprisals they would be intimidated from taking part in resisting the invasion. A meeting had been held at Quebec in April, before the affair of Lexington, at which one Brown, an emissary from New England, attended. He was the bearer of a letter signed by Adams, Mackay, and Warren, calling upon those friendly to them to form a committee, to correspond with the revolutionary committee in New England. No one present was willing to incur this responsibility; Walker, Price and others, however, undertook to send some reply. Brown, on his part, spoke very plainly, and threatened that the country would be ravaged with fire and sword, should the Canadians take up arms on the British side.

The attack upon Ticonderoga, nevertheless, came upon the whole province as a great surprise, and the arrival of the party at Saint John's to seize the sloop led to foreboding of further aggression. When the news was brought to Montreal by Hazen, Arnold was only spoken of as commanding the operation against Ticonderoga. The narrative must have. come from himself. It was not until Ethan Allen landed on the 18th and 19th with three hundred men that his name was mentioned, and he is then described as an outlaw from New York. Carleton in his report to England related Allen's demand for supplies from Montreal, which he said would have been sent had they not been stopped. His

own position he described, as having but six hundred men to defend the province, without a single armed vessel. The only part of the population which had come forward to defend the government was the youth of Montreal, and of the neighbourhood. He acknowledged the assistance received from the Canadians of higher rank and the clergy; they had been very useful, but they no longer possessed the influence they once held. The home government could alone furnish him his two main requirements, men and money.

It must remain a matter of bewilderment that, in face of the aggressive attitude, increasing in intensity in Boston and New York, Canada should have been left in a defenceless condition. As Carleton pointed out, the province furnished an excellent base of operations. The presence of a strong force in Canada would have rendered any attempt to gain possession of it impossible, and would have furnished support and encouragement to many loyalists on the Hudson, and around the southern part of lake Champlain; an influence which might have extended as far as Albany. Numbers were prepared to act with courage and energy in defence of their opinions; but from the commencement of the trouble they experienced indifference and neglect, and were left exposed to the persecution, which the dominant party practised to destroy the self-assertion, if they failed to lessen the numbers, of their opponents. The record of history shews indisputably, that never was a cause more flagrantly lost by folly and incapacity, than that of the supporters of the connnection with the mother country.

The presence of a powerful force in Canada would have been a military demonstration of significance to carry weight with it. The troops sent to Boston had as much in view the rebuke of that mutinous city, as a part of a well conceived plan of operations. The neglect of all precaution against the violence of the advanced party gave strength to the demand for independence, now openly avowed as an object desirable in itself. The movement might be compared to a fire, which at its commencement by prudence and effort could easily

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have been subdued; but which from the time given to it to obtain strength and force, increased to a conflagration, irresistibly sweeping all before it.

The news of Lexington and Bunker's hill even failed to awaken the home ministry to the danger of the situation, and the magnitude of the responsibility it involved. The latter event was known in London in the middle of July, a season of the year which admitted the adoption of the most active measures. But with all the painful facts accompanying the report, it gave rise to no true conception of the magnitude of the event, or what it portended. It created no outburst of national sentiment. In some quarters it was even looked upon as a humiliation of the court. It was followed by no active preparations. There was no feeling that the nation was in an unhappy crisis which might bring with it terrible consequences. Had ten thousand troops been sent to Canada, sustained by a fleet, with the avowed purpose of being present to sustain the parliamentary right claimed by Great Britain, it would have been an exhibition of power felt throughout the continent. But the ministers remained as indifferent to the teaching of Lexington and Bunker's hill, as if these two misfortunes had been some obscure disturbance that had happened in a foreign country. There was an entire paralysis of authority. It was known that Quebec was without troops, there was some vague talk of sending some regiments for its defence, but nothing was done. Never was there such an exhibition of incompetence, folly, and disgraceful inaction.

While Carleton was in this painful situation, without men or money, threatened with attack, the whole province in an upheaval of excitement, being without the means of telling friend from foe, he was receiving letters from Dartmouth, then the secretary for the colonies, which would have depressed a mind stronger than his. Dartmouth wrote him that as it was necessary to increase Gage's army, the king relied on the loyalty of his Canadian subjects. A force of three thousand men was to be raised to act separately, or in conjunction. with the regulars. They had in London all been painfully

impressed with the loss of Ticonderoga. * On the 12th of July, Dartmouth notified Carleton that the "Lizard" was convoying the "Jacob" with arms and clothing for three thousand men, and some light guns. He trusted that Ticonderoga had been recovered, and the rebellion on that side put down. Vigorous efforts were to be made by sea and land. The admiral had received special instructions. The land operations had been left to Gage, and Carleton was to support him. A fortnight later, Carleton was instructed to raise six thousand, in place of three thousand men.

The facts which have been given shew the true condition of Canada at this date, and the false theories entertained in London of what could be effected in the province. A knowledge of the events as they were, and a proper appreciation of the danger to which Canada was exposed, would have admitted no such fallacies. The provincial records can furnish more than one occasion when imperial officials have acted with this perversity of view, owing to an unfortunate ignorance of our history, and, what is worse, from indifference regarding it. It has happened in this century, in some embarrassing circumstance, that the true cause of dispute has been set out of view, and the complications have been considered in the light alone they would affect ministerial interests in the house of commons, in place of their being thoroughly probed to the core. The consequence has been the adoption of some unwise temporary expedient to tide over the difficulty, in place of resolutely looking in the face the facts really requiring attention.

No one can attentively read the history of the twenty years of the north American continent, from the peace of Paris to the peace of Versailles, without being impressed with the want of knowledge of colonial affairs apparent in London. The dispute was carried on from year to year, but the real causes of its continuance remained unknown. An investigation of the hidden motives of the leaders of the discontent * Can. Arch., Q., 11., p. 152. 1st July, 1755. Dartmouth continued in office four months from this date. Germaine was gazetted as secretary on the 11th of November.