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provosts. In this No. the year of their magistracy is said to have been the tenth of Edward, son of Edward, or Edward II., that is, the year 1316; and that this was the true date of Olof's mayoralty, would seem, in some degree, to be rendered probable by the circumstance that Richard de Sancto Olavo is said in Ware's list to have been bailiff in 1308, 10, and 12; and in our No. xxxiii., which is dated in 1347, the shop now recovered being styled the shop recovered from Richard Ponteys, would seem to bring the transaction of the present No. within the preceding fifty years. But there are great difficulties in the way of fixing the mayoralty of Olof and the provostship of Wynchester and Ashbourne so late as 1317.

From No. lxxvii., p. 68, it appears that Prior Nigellus was alive in 1288, and that he was dead in 1298; he could not therefore have been plaintiff before Richard Olof in 1317. Nor is this the only difficulty in the way of this late date of the present No. In a Pipe Roll of 44-5 Hen. III., preserved in Birmingham Tower, and of which a facsimile is given in Record Report I., p. 56, amongst the witnesses are Walter Unred, Elyas Burel, Ric. Olof, Thom. de Wynton, Reymund Pictavens, and Simon Unred ; but in Nos. xviii. xx. xxv. we have these six persons surviving to Olof's mayoralty, or to that of Wynton, which, as he was Olof's provost, was probably subsequent to Olof's. As the 45th of Hen. III. was from Oct. 1260 to Oct. 1261, if Olof's mayoralty was in 1317, we shall have six persons witnessing deeds at the interval of fifty-seven years. In Mon. Hib., p. 206, Thomas de Winchester is said to have been

mayor

of Dublin when Richard St. Martin was dean of St. Patrick's, which limits the time from about 1250 to about 1269. Perhaps it may be conjectured that the real date of Olof's mayoralty was 1282, the tenth of Edward I., and that the words filii Edwardi were a mistake of the scribe of the Registry for filii Henrici. When more documents of this period have been printed, these uncertain dates will probably be fixed ; at present we can only deal with them in conjectures.—See note to p. 25, l. 21.

Page 38, line 17. In vico pelliparii.-“Skinner's-row, reaching from the pillorie to the tolehall, or to the high crosse.”_Stanyhurst, ubi supra. Harris says that it is mentioned, with an alias Boath-street, in a record of the 20 Hen. VI.—Dublin, p.

88. In the Rentals of the estate of the city of Dublin, as it was in the year 1763, published in Harris's Dublin, p. 483, Sir W. Dixon is charged £1 for a house in Skinner-row amongst the All-Hallows' rents.

Page 38, line 18. Thome Fakom.-In 1236 Walter Fitz Ivon granted to the prior and convent of the Holy Trinity a certain lot of ground in the parish of St. Nicholas. It is endorsed on

the

R 2

the original deed that in the year 1335, Thomas Faukoun, currier, held in his possession the said ground then built upon.-Mon. Hib. p. 157.

Page 39, line 10. Longabulum.—This was the landgable, or land rent within the walls, reserved in John's charter of Dublin.

Page 39, line 17. Le Rochelstrete. – Harris says that Rochel-lane was called in the ancient records of Ch.Ch. Vicus Rupello and Vicus de la Rochel, and that it had its name from the Rochelle merchants inhabiting there. As it is so called in this grant, which can scarcely be of a date later than 1230, its name cannot be derived from Richard de Rupella, Lord Justice in 1261. In the times of Stanyhurst and of Harris it was called Back-lane Stanyhurst's Descript. of Ireland, p. 26. Harris's Dublin, p. 90. The trade with Rochelle probably consisted in the exchange of Irish peltry for the wines of Poictiers (Top. Hib. Dist. I. c. v.) and perhaps for salt, which was sometimes enormously dear.Clyn's Annals, p. 12.

Page 40, line 2. Willelmo decano.Of the witnesses to this grant William Fitz Guy and T. de Castello occur as dean and chancellor in 1219. Roger was prior of Holy Trinity in 1212, (Mon. Hib. p. 154) Radulph de Mora was dead in 1238 (Mon. Hib. p. 157) and Wydo Cornubiensis was provost in 1229.—Charter Book, fol. 41.

Page 44, line 19 Willelmo Douce majore.--In the Proceedings against Dame Alice Kyteler, printed for the Camden Society, at p. 16, for Willelmo Doucemanne, civitatis Dubliniæ, read W. Douce, majore Civitatis Dubliniæ. This, and some of the other pleas in this Registry were intended to evade the Statute of Mortmain.

Page 45, line 14 Invico Berterani.—Bertrami ?-Bertram's-street, or Bertram’s-court, not mentioned either by Stanyhurst or Harris, is said by Lynch (Feudal Dignities, p. 68) to have derived its name from the residence of Bertram de Verdon, Seneschal of Ireland, in the time of Henry II.

Page 47, line 3. Petro Habraham. The year of Peter Abraam's mayoralty has not been ascertained; as Vincencius Tabernarius, who was then provost, was mayor in 1267, it

bably

pro

bably was shortly before that year. The occurrence of R. Olof's name in this connexion harmonizes with our conjecture of the date of his mayoralty in the note to No. xxxiv.

Page 47,

line

9. Meylerus de Cursun.—The following descent of the family of De Cursun, corruptly called De Courcy, is taken from the Clarendon MSS., vol. xxxvi., fol. 107, British Museum :

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Strongbow's grantee, Vivianus, is called De Cursun in Harris's Ware, p. 190. If the death of the second Meyler is rightly placed in the 27 Hen. III., this grant must have been made before 1244, which would agree with the date, 1238, given in Mon. Hib., p. 157, as the year of Pollard's mayoralty. It is to be observed that the mayor witnesses before the dean of St. Patrick's.

Page 5o, line 14

Carta Dermicii.—The authority of Dermod M‘Morough, king of Leinster, within the city of Dublin, seems to have been uncertain and fluctuating. In this charter he distinguishes the men of Dublin-a body of commercial foreigners, struggling for independence_from the men of Leinster, his native and hereditary subjects.

Page 50, line 17.

Edano.—Lugwdensi, or Lugudensi, as printed by Dugdale, Mon. Anglic., from Sir J. Ware's transcript, has been always taken to mean Bishop of Louth or Clogher, a see at this time filled by Edan O'Kelley, who had been appointed to it in the room of Christian, Malachy's brother, by Malachy himself, because he saw in a vision the episcopal gold ring upon Edan's finger. (Cambrensis Eversus, p. 168.) It is not plain, however, that Dermod, king of Leinster, had any connexion with Louth, and it is also difficult to assign a reason for his placing the Bishop of Clogher in Dublin, It would be easy to read Lug., the contraction for this bishop's title, in Alan's Registry -See Appendix, No. xiv.--for Lag., the contraction for Laginiensium Episcopus, a

title perhaps not known to the Dublin ecclesiastics of the fifteenth century, and which they certainly would be unwilling to recognize out of the line of the Dublin prelacy, but which was borne by Ferdomnach, Bishop of Kildare, about the year 1096 (Usserii Sylloge, p. 93), and by other bishops of that see, and which, during the supremacy of Dermod, may possibly have been assumed by his Bishop of Ferns. The Bishop of Ferns at this time was Joseph O’Hethe, or O’Ædha.—Ware's Bishops. If his Christian name had been Aed, there would be no difficulty in assigning to him the honour of this foundation. We must observe that Lug., or Lugwdensis Episcopus, was not the uniform style of Edan O'Kelley, Bishop of Clogher, since his name is given as a witness to the charter of the monastery of Newry, as Bishop of Ergalia, or Uriel.Ware's Bishops. For Edenigmo, in the list of witnesses, read Coemgino.

Page 50, line 18.
Ecclesie filie Zole.—Dunsoghly, in the County of Dublin, has been suggested.

Page 50, line 20. Liberos et absolutos, read liberam et absolutam.

Page 50, line 20. A procuracione et expedicione mea.- Procuracio may be considered as the Latin for coshering, the exaction of lodging and provision for himself and his retinue, laid by the chief lord on his tenants and others under his protection. Expedicio probably comprehended not only the obligation of military service, but the bonaght, or exactions, imposed for the maintenance of the chieftain's horsemen or kearns.--Adelung's Du Cange in vocibus, and Harris's Ware, chap. xii.

Page 50, line 26. Decimarum exactione.--Civil tithes.

Page 50, line 27. Canonicorum vel monachorum.—The old foundations in Ireland were exclusively for canons, and until the foundation of Mellifont by Malachy in 1142, Ireland was, in the words of St. Bernard, “terra jam insueta immo et inexperta monastice religionis.”. U8serii Sylloge, p. 105. These canons were Cænobites, bound by some of the various rules, mentioned in Irish Ecclesiastical History, and were merged by Innocent II., 1139, in the Canons Regular of St. Augustine. For the strong resemblance of the Canons of St. Augustine with the Culdees, see Liber Cartarum Prioratus Sancti Andreæ, Preface, xv., 370, 374 ; one of the many volumes of authentic documents by

which the Bannatyne Club has cleared up disputed points in history, and substituted knowledge for question and conjecture.

Page 51, line 7. Almauricus de Hofda.--Almaric, third Baron of Howth, which lordship was confirmed to him by John Earl of Moreton. The lands of Baldoyle and Ballycollan were probably dependant on the lordship of Howth. This charter was granted in the time of Prior Richard, who witnessed a grant of Archbishop Henry to the Vicars of St. Patrick between 1223 and 1228. Hugo de Esthamur, one of the witnesses to this charter, appears to be the Hugo de Estham of pp. 38–9, 62-8. For the benefits conferred by the grant of Fraternity here conditioned for, see Preface to Christ Church Obits, p. xxvii.

A Copy of the Letters granted to Robert Arbuthnot and Marion Scrimgor, his wyffe (on) ther recepcion in the Fraternitie of the Ordour of Observantia in 1487, has been printed in the Miscellany of the Spalding Club, vol. ii. p. 103.

A very curious grant from this Almaric de Hofda, in which he swears, under the penalty of 40s., that he will not lay violent hands, except in self-defence, upon any of his prelates, is here subjoined, it is taken from Alan's Registry, College copy, p. 634.

“ Universis Christi Fidelibus ad quos presens Scriptum pervenerit Almoritius de Howth Salutem in Domino. Noverit universitas vestra me dedisse concessisse et hac presenti carta confirmasse pro anima mea et aminabus antecessorum nostrorum Vicario Ecclesie de Howth viginti quinque acras terre de Dominico meo. Tenendas et habendas in puram et perpetuam elemosynam viz.: illas que jacent propinquiores Rivulo defluenti in mare inter Ecclesiam et vetus Castellum versus orientem et extendunt se a filo aque in longitudine usque ad divisas factas inter terram illam et terram meam versus occidentem. Et a vico veniente de Manaloge usque ad predictum Rivulum atque versus australem partem usque in mare in latitudine cum omnibus suis pertinentiis tempore quo Walterus de Snell fuit Vicarius de Howth et in recompensacione hujus terre assignavit dictus W. de Snell mihi quindecim acras terre propinquiores porte mee versus Villam Come Walleys. Hec autem mutacio terre facta fuit de consensu et voluntate Reverendi Patris nostri Domini Luce Dublin Archiepiscopi et magistri Gentili Persone de Howth tunc temporis itaque W. de Snell Vicarii pro bono Ecclesie et a Domino Dublin confirmata. Ego autem et heredes mei dictas viginti quinque acras terre dicto W. de Snell et successoribus suis contra omnes homines warrantizabimus. Concessi etiam quod omnes homines sui et tenentes quieti sint et liberi ob omni servitute, exaccione et demanda ad me et heredes meos pertinente. Et quod habeant per terram meam et mare liberum ingressum et exces

sum

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