culty than he had anticipated. Ardent in the cause of legitimacy, and eager to engage the French king in their interest, the different chieftains had stated every thing in the most favourable light, expecting, that succours would be the more readily granted, in proportion as they could demonstrate them to be less needed. Hooke, however, made altogether a different improvement of their various, but generally favourable accounts. He contended, from their own statements, that they had ample means among themselves, and positively refused to commit himself or his master, for any succours whatever. After much discussion, in which the presumption and ignorance of both parties* formed the most remarkable features, it was agreed, at the suggestion of

* The reader may take the following short specimen in proof. "They demanded what succours they might expect from his most Christian Majesty. I answered, that I was authorized to promise every thing I should judge necessary; that the succours therefore would be regulated by their wants; for I could never judge it proper to promise them succours which they had no need of, and by their memorial, it did not appear that they were in want of many things. They replied, that they had not a mind to state all their demands, till they had spoke to me concerning the article of succours; that to render themselves masters of Scotland, they in truth needed nothing but the person of the k- of England, arms, ammunition and money; but their design being to penetrate into England, and to oblige the English, either to submit, or to treat with them, they would have occasion for powerful succours to succeed in that enterprize. I answered, that I was not of their opinion—that from the moment they were masters of Scotland, they would need none but their own forces to penetrate into England; that there were no troops in Scotland that could hinder them from assembling; that the English were not in a condition to oppose so considerable an army as they proposed to raise ; that they could never want for provisions in an open and plentiful country; and that they would be able to raise contributions, which would more than supply all their wants, after the example of their forefathers, who in the late wars between Scotland and England, in 1639, raised 800 pounds sterling a day, only in the three northern counties of England, which is the poorest of that kingdom." In the same style of flattery and fustian, he goes on to assure them, "that a body of troops would be of more detriment than service, foreigners not being used to live upon so little as the Scots." Full of the idea of Scotish invincibility, he gravely affirms, "that they had no reason to be affrighted at the name of regular troops, as their own would become regulars in the space of fifteen days! all their men being accustomed to the use of the gun from their infancy, all of them also being hunters; that they were disciplined from the age of twenty-six, and were perfectly acquainted with all the military evolutions; that naturally they stand fire, with so little

Mr. Graham, who had been solicitor to king James, to insist upon nothing, but simply to transmit a memorial, stating their case to the French king, and referring themselves wholly to his wisdom, in the depth of which he could not fail to judge most properly of their wants; and besides, it was reasoned, that he behoved to be deeply affected with so great a confidence in his goodness.* Still, however, there were difficulties to overcome. Some gentlemen scrupled to sign the memorial, preferring the original design of a treaty, and it was necessary so to manage matters, that if all were not pleased, no one might be reasonably offended. The greater part, indeed, were perfectly manageable, but there were a few, on whose behalf lord Kilsyth was particularly active, who would do nothing without the duke of Hamilton, which occasioned a renewal of their discussions, and some angry recrimination between Hooke and lord Kilsyth, on the part of that noble duke. All that accrued from their lengthened deliberations, however, was only, the humbly suggesting to his most Christian majesty, one or two things, which yet were left entirely to his discretion, that his grace the duke of Hamilton might not be able to say, that he had been altogether neglected. The memorialists, indeed, seem to have had a particular jealousy and distrust of the duke, which seems to have arisen, in a great measure, in the present instance at least, from his unwillingness to engage in the business without a reasonable prospect of success, to ensure which, he supposed a supply of arms, money and ammunition, with ten thousand well appointed troops, together with the adoption of measures to satisfy the people in general, as to the security of their religion and civil rights, to be necessary. The latter part of his conditions, being papists, they were anxious to avoid, and, confident in their own powers, the friendly intentions of his most Christian majesty, and the concurrence of the people in general, they hoped by themselves to establish the king, with

apprehension and concern; that their recruits have been always as much esteemed as their old soldiers, and," most consolatory, "that they are robust, live hard, and that they would destroy an English army without fighting, merely by fatiguing it!!" Hooke's Secret Negotiations, pp. 49, 52.

* Hooke's Secret Negotiations, p. 54.

whom they would, of course, share the power, the honour, and, more especially, the emoluments naturally accruing from such an illustrious undertaking.

Conceiving themselves to have been insulted by Hooke, the duke of Hamilton, the earl Marischal, Viscount Kilsyth, Cochran of Kilmaronock, Lockhart of Carnwath, Maule of Kelly, and captain Straiton, declined to correspond with the chevalier de St. George, or, as they called him, the king of England, through him, choosing rather to do so through the earl of Middleton, upon which Hooke "sent them more than once or twice, impertinent and threatening letters," and they were treated by their Jacobite brethren, who were in the interest of Hooke, with no little rancour, though there is too much evidence, that they were very hearty in the cause; and had their advice been followed, the issue of the invasion might have been very different from what it was.* It is evident, however, if there be any credit due to the Narrative of Hooke, that the duke of Hamilton did not abandon him without great reluctance, and not till he found that personally he had no particular benefits to expect at his hand.+ We also find his letter, given to Hooke along with those of the memorialists, though he took care to write it in cyphers, and had the meanness to send it neither signed nor directed.‡

After travelling backwards and forwards, holding many consultations, and discussing a variety of opinions and plans, Hooke finished his negotiations, by receiving for his master, the king of France, the following memorial from the Scotish

* Lockhart Papers, vol. i. p. 232.

+"He [the duke of Hamilton,] desires me to send him word whether I was not ordered to offer him some personal advantages, either in money or otherwise, and what those advantages were. He asks what the king (Louis) will do for him, in case he be obliged to fly to France, to avoid the persecutions of the English. He adds, that lord Portland had demanded, at Ryswick, the restitution of the dutchy of Chatelerault to the house of Hamilton, and thereupon desires me to give him my opinion, whether he ought to demand that dutchy by the ambassadors of England, at the first treaty of peace." Hooke's Secret Negotiations, p. 75.

Hooke's Secret Negotiations, p. 102.

lords, which, whether we consider its want of patriotism, its want of policy, or its want of truth, is alike remarkable.

"His Most Christian Majesty having been pleased to offer his protection to the kingdom of Scotland, in order to restore its lawful k-, and to secure to his nation its liberty, privileges, and independence; and his majesty having sent the honourable colonel Hooke, who, besides his past services, has now again given fresh and signal proofs of his capacity, zeal, and fidelity for the service of the Most Christian king, and of his Britannic Majesty, to confer with the peers and other nobility of this nation, touching the measures that may be most conducive to so just and glorious an end.

"We, the underwritten Peers and Lords, having seen the full power given by his most Christian Majesty to the said colonel, do, in our own names, and in the name of the greatest part of this nation, whose dispositions are well known to us, accept the protection and assistance of his most Christian Majesty with the utmost gratitude; and we take the liberty, most humbly to lay before his said Majesty, the following representation of the present state of this nation, and of the things we stand in need of.

"The greatest part of Scotland has always been well disposed for the service of its lawful k-, ever since the revolution, as his most Christian Majesty has often been informed by some among us. But this good disposition is now become universal. The shires in the west, which used to be the most disaffected, are now very zealous for the service of their lawful k-. We have desired colonel Hooke, to inform his most Christian Majesty of the motives of this happy change.

"To reap the benefit of so favourable a disposition, and of so happy a conjuncture, the presence of the k—, our sovereign, will be absolutely necessary; the people being unwilling to take arms, without being sure of having him at their head. We have desired colonel Hooke to represent to his Majesty the reasons of this demand.

"The whole nation will rise upon the arrival of its k—. He will become master of Scotland without any opposition, and the present government will be entirely abolished.

"Out of this great number of men, we will draw 25,000

foot, and 5,000 horse and dragoons; and with this army we will march straight into England. We, and the other Peers and Chiefs, will assemble all our men, each in his respective shire.

"The general rendezvous of the troops on the north side of the river Tay, shall be at Perth. Those of the western shires shall assemble at Stirling; and those of the south and east at Dumfries, and at Dunse.

“Those that shall be nearest the place where the k— of England shall land, shall repair to him.

"We have computed the number of men which will be furnished by each of the shires that we are best acquainted with; and we have desired colonel Hooke to inform his Majesty thereof.

"For the subsistence of these troops, there will be found in our granaries the harvests of two years; so that a crown will purchase as much flour as will keep a man two months. There will be commissaries in each shire to lay up the corn in the magazines, in such places as shall be thought most proper; and commissaries general, who will take care to supply the army with provisions wherever it shall march.

"The same commissaries will furnish it with meat, beer, and brandy, of which there is great plenty all over the kingdom.

"There is woollen cloth enough in the country to clothe a greater number of troops, and the Peers and other Lords will take care to furnish it.

"There is great quantity of linen, shoes, and bonnets, for the soldiers. They will be furnished in the same manner as the woollen cloths. Of hats there are but few.

"The same commissaries will furnish carriages for the provisions, the country abounding therein.

"The inclinations of all these shires-excepting those of the west-for the k- of England have been so well known, and so public since the revolution, that the government has taken care to disarm them frequently; so that we are in great want of arms and ammunition.

"The Highlands are pretty well armed after their manner. 'The shires of the west are pretty well armed. "The Peers and the Nobility have some arms.