calling this parliament. At the same time he delivered to the chancellor the following, which his lordship read as his majesty's speech to both houses of parliament :-*" My lords and gentlemen, This being the first opportunity that I have had of meeting my people in parliament, since it pleased lutely necessary to quiet the minds of the subjects, and to secure us from the just apprehensions we had of danger from the chevalier?

XIII. "By whose advice it was, that his majesty's minister, baron Schutz, was discharged the court, because he demanded a writ for the prince?

XIV. "By whose advice, Sir Patrick Lawless, the chevalier's agent or envoy, was entertained at court at the same time, and honourably conveyed beyond sea, soon after it was complained of in parliament ?

XV. "By whose advice and management, our holy church was in danger of being given up to popery, our civil rights to tyranny, and the way prepared for the chevalier?

XVI. "By whose advice it was, that the Jacobite clans in Scotland were armed and kept in pay, and that levies of men for the chevalier in Great Britain and Ireland, were so long connived at?

XVII." By whose management it was, that the public affairs of the kingdom are brought under the greatest difficulties, as well in respect to our trade, and the interruption of our navigation, as of the great debts of the nation, which have been very much increased since last war, as his majesty has been graciously pleased to inform us, in his proclamation for calling a new parliament?

XVIII. "We also desire and expect, that you concur in demanding an account how the money raised by parliament has been expended since the change of the ministry, in 1710.

XIX. "That you not only concur in such enquiries, but also in a parliamentary way, to bring such to justice as shall be found guilty of those mismanagements; this being a duty owing to ourselves as well as our confederates, and indispensably necessary for retrieving the honour of the nation, and restoring a due confidence and harmony betwixt us and our allies?

XX. "That you concur in making such laws as shall be thought necessary for the better security of the churches of England and Scotland, as severally by law established; and for suppressing and preventing these seditious and groundless clamours, of the church of England being in danger by his majesty's administration?

XXI. "That you concur in giving the king such sums as shall be thought necessary for enabling his majesty to defend the nation, to support and retrieve our trade, and to keep the balance of Europe, which is threatened with a new war, by the intrigues of our common enemies." Publications of that day, &c. &c.

• His majesty George I. could not speak, nor could he read, English. These circumstances were often urged against him by the Jacobites, and were supposed to afford very fair grounds for refusing to acknowledge him as sovereign of these realms.

Almighty God, of his good providence, to call me to the throne of my ancestors, I most gladly make use of it to thank my faithful and loving subjects, for that zeal and firmness that hath been shown in defence of the protestant succession, against all the open and secret practices that have been used to defeat it; and I shall never forget the obligations I have to those who have distinguished themselves upon this occa

sion.

"It were to be wished, that the unparalleled successes of a war, which was so wisely and cheerfully supported by this nation, in order to procure a good peace, had been attended with a suitable conclusion. But, it is with concern, I must tell you, that some conditions, even of this peace, essential to the security and trade of Great Britain, are not yet duly executed, and the performance of the whole may be looked upon as precarious, until we shall have formed defensive alliances to guarantee the present treaties.

"The pretender, who still resides in Lorrain, still threatens to disturb us, and boasts of the assistance which he still expects here to repair his former disappointments.

"A great part of our trade is rendered impracticable. This, if not retrieved, must destroy our manufactures, and ruin our navigation.

"The public debts are very great, and surprisingly increased, ever since the fatal cessation of arms. My first care was to prevent a farther increase of these debts, by paying off forthwith a great number of ships, which had been kept in pay, when there was no occasion for continuing such an

expense.

"Gentlemen of the house of commons:-I rely upon you for such supplies as the present circumstances of our affairs require for this year's service, and for the support of the public faith. The estimates shall be laid before you, that you may consider of them; and what you shall judge necessary for your safety, I shall think sufficient for mine.

"I doubt not but you will concur with me in opinion, that nothing can contribute more to the support of the credit of the nation, than a strict observance of all parliamentary engagements.

"The branches of the revenue, formerly granted for the support of the civil government, are so far encumbered and alienated, that the produce of the funds which remain and have been granted to me, will fall much short of what was at first designed for maintaining the honour and dignity of the crown; and since it is my happiness, as I am confident you will think it yours, to see a prince of Wales, who may, in due time, succeed me on the throne, and to see him blessed with many children, the best and most valuable pledges of our care and concern for your prosperity, this must occasion an expense to which the nation has not of many years been accustomed, but such as surely no man will grudge; and, therefore, I do not doubt but you will think of it with that affection which I have reason to hope from you.

"My lords and gentlemen:-The eyes of all Europe are upon you waiting the issue of this first session. Let no unhappy division of parties, here at home, divert you from pursuing the common interest of your country. Let no wicked insinuations disquiet the minds of my subjects. The established constitution in church and state shall be the rule of my government; the happiness, ease, and prosperity of my people shall be the chief care of my life. Those who assist me in carrying on these measures, I shall always esteem my best friends; and I doubt not but that I shall be able, with your assistance, to disappoint the designs of those who would deprive me of that blessing, which I most value, the affections of my people."

This was certainly a very extraordinary speech, and, taken in connexion with the instructions given to members of parliament by their constituents, a specimen of which we have already given, proves that the country in general had a most decided feeling of hostility towards the late ministry, and laboured under a deep sense of disgrace and impending ruin accruing from their measures. The address, which, though violently debated, was carried by a great majority, showed that the feeling of the parliament was in perfect unison with that of the country. After thanking his majesty for his most gracious speech, his kind assurance that the constitution should be the alone rule of his government, and his tender

concern for the loss to the nation of so many splendid achievements by an illtimed and insecure peace; they go on to say, that they met together with hearts deeply sensible of the divine goodness that had brought his majesty with safety, and at a juncture so critical, to the throne of his ancestors. They express their wonder, that a pretender to his crown should be allowed to reside so near to his dominions; and while they admit that trade is rendered impracticable in its most valuable branches, they assure his majesty that nothing shall be wanting on their part to retrieve it; and they doubt not, but that his majesty, "assisted by this parliament, zealous for his government, and the safety and honour of their country, will be able to secure what is due to us by treaty, ease our debts, preserve public credit, restore trade, extinguish the very hope of the pretender, and recover the reputation of the kingdom in foreign parts, the loss of which, they hope to convince the world by their actions, is not to be imputed to the nation in general." In expressing the same sentiments, the commons were still more explicit. They profess "the utmost astonishment to find, that any conditions of the late peace, essential to the security and trade of Great Britain, should not yet be duly executed, and that care was not taken to form such alliances as might have rendered the peace not precarious. And as no care shall be wanting in your loyal commons to inquire into these fatal miscarriages, so we entirely rely upon your majesty's wisdom to enter into such alliances as you shall judge necessary to preserve the peace of Europe; and we faithfully promise to enable your majesty to make good all such engagements. It is with just resentment we observe that the pretender still resides in Lorrain, and that he has the presumption, by declarations from thence, to stir up your majesty's subjects to rebellion. But that which raises the utmost indignation of your commons is, that it appears therein, that his hopes were built upon the measures that had been taken for some time past in Great Britain. It shall be our business to trace out those measures whereon he placed his hopes, and to bring the authors of them to condign punishment." In the course of the debate upon this address in the commons," Mr. Stanhope assured the house, that notwith

standing all the endeavours which had been used to prevent a discovery of the late mismanagements, by conveying away several papers from the secretary's office, yet the government had sufficient evidence left, to prove the late ministry the most corrupt that ever sat at the helm. That those matters would be laid before the house, and that it would appear, that a certain English general [Ormond] had acted in concert with, if not received orders from marshal Villars."*

The late ministry had hitherto treated public opinion as of very little consequence, and carried themselves with a great It was now, however, evident deal of apparent unconcern. that a serious inquiry into their conduct was intended, and the most criminal began to look out for secure hiding places. Bolingbroke, aware of the return of Prior from Paris, and, no doubt, of the evidence which it was in his power to give, escaped to Dover in the disguise of a servant, where he embarked for France, and arrived the same day at Calais. He immediately joined the court of the pretender, was soon after attainted, lost his honours and an estate of two thousand pounds a year, and was an exile for several years.† Oxford was shortly after impeached and sent to the tower. The duke of Ormond was also impeached, but, like Bolingbroke, fled to the pretender, in whose behalf his military genius was exerted with as little effect as it had formerly been for the British nation. These matters, however, do not come within the limits of this history, the space allotted to which, would be insufficient for giving a clear and discriminating view of them. After all the attempts that have been made to elucidate this portion of British history, it remains a greatly unknown, but rich field for exercising the patience, and displaying the judgment and penetration of some future historian.

While the parliament was thus labouring to correct former mismanagements, and to bring the peculators of the public

• Annals of King George, p. 369.

The loss to the family was repaired in 1716, by his father, Sir Henry St. John, being created viscount St. John and baron of Battersea. Mr. St. John received, after a while, his majesty's pardon, and, in 1725, an act of parliament was passed, enabling him to inherit his father's honours and estates. Memoirs of the Life and Ministerial Conduct of Lord Bolingbroke.