At p. 57 Mr. W. fpeaks with much respect of the English clergy refiding and officiating in Scotland, and of their recent union with the epifcopal clergy in that country; and in a note on that paffage he labours with zeal and judgment to remove every remaining caufe for difunion. It is with a hope of affifting in thefe pious endeavours, that we have given of this difcourfe a muchi more detailed account than we usually can allow to a fingle fermon; and for the fame reafon, we fhall conclude this article with the words, in which the author fums up the fubject, just before his peroration.

"It is now univerfally known, that by far the moft diftinguished and refpectable of the English clergy, refiding and officiating in this country, have united with us, in a manner not lefs. honourable to them than creditable to our humble Zion. It is equally well known, that this their laudable conduct has been fanctioned and approved by the bigheft legal and ecclefiaftical authority of their native church: and certainly the folemn fervice of this day exhibited a remarkable and unquestionable proof and pledge of that entire cordiality, which has been fo happily re-established,never more, it is to be hoped, to be broken.' P. 59.

ART. X. An Inquiry into the State of the Nation, at the Commencement of the prefent Adminiftration. 8vo. 218 pp. 5s. Longman, &c.

1806.

ART. XI. An Anfier to the Inquiry, &c. with Strictures on the Conduct of the prefent Miniftry. 8vo. 157 pp. 3s. Murray. 1306.

IN

N examining the works of political writers, whatever may be our feelings, it is at least our wish to divest ourselves of political prejudice, and to difculs every argument prefented to our notice, not with the fophiftry of advocates, but the precifion of judges; admitting no influence but that of fair reafoning, and acknowledging no criterion but truth.

It is, however, impracticable to difcufs fo fully, as their importance feems to require, all the topics fuggefted by the two performances before us, within the narrow limits of a Review. The general object of each writer, fome of the principal facts brought forward, and chief arguments urged on either fide, fhall be laid before our readers, with fuch general obfervations as the fubject naturally fuggefts to our reafon, and feems to demand from our public duty.

The Inquiry into the State of the Nation fets out with an affertion, that, in confequence of the late change of minis ters," it has been found impoffible to inveftigate at all, even in their diftinét character, thofe meafures which occupied government

3.

government during the laft vacation." Surely this affertion difcovers the fentiments of a partizan, rather than the judgment of an impartial inquirer. The refignation of the late miniftry, on the lamented death of their chief, did not incapacitate parliament from inquiring into the meafures which they had purfued; though undoubtedly it rendered fuch an inquiry lefs defirable to thofe who had oppofed, and have fince fucceeded them. But we haften to the material parts of the inquiry, which is divided into three heads: 1ft. "The ftate of our foreign relations;" 2d. "Our domeflic economy;" 3d. "Our colonial affairs." Such is the formal divifion of the fubject; but fubflantially the author has employed his ingenuity almoft wholly on the firft of thefe topics.

The firft attack on the conduct of the late miniftry, is for not foliciting the mediation of Ruffia, to which measure, we are told, they flood pledged as far back as May, 1803. The author feems to forget that the administration of a noble lord, now one of the cabinet minifters, lafted a full year after that pledge was fuppofed to be given. If, therefore, there was any neglect in redeeming that pledge, (which we do not infinuate) it must chiefly reft with one of the prefent adminif tration. But it is impoffible to determine that queftion, without a reference to documents never yet called for, and inapplicable to the immediate subject of this inquiry. In 1805, however, when Ruffia was become our ally, the " treaty of concert" with that power, was furely a far more effective inftrument for obtaining peace for ourselves, and fome degree of independence for Europe, than the folemn farce of a mediation; which, unless fupported by arms, could have little effect on fuch a fovereign as Bonaparte, and such a power as France.

The next objection is pointed at the league against France, which, it is alledged, had no precife or definite object in view. To one who perufes the treaty, not with the jaundiced of eyes party, but with a due confideration of the nature of fuch inftruments, of the impracticability of anticipat ing every poffible event, and of the difficulties that might arife in fulfilling ftipulations which fhould have defined, not only the general line of conduct to be purfued, but the exact mode of all the details of it, to fuch impartial obfervers, the treaty muft, we think, appear as precife as the nature of the cafe will admit; and far more wifely framed than if the parties had entered into more minute particulars. But to a writer who affers, that if France fhould withdraw her troops from Holland, She might again overrun the Dutch territories in a week" (which is as much as to fay that Breda, Bergenopzoom,

and the other Dutch fortreffes on the fide of Flanders, if well garrifoned, are incapable of defence) what anfwer is to be given? Can fuch a writer be acquitted either of ignorance on the one hand, or wilful mifreprefentation on the other? No lefs abfurd is it to affert, that the removal of the French troops was attained by the treaties of Luneville and Amiens: for, though fuch a flipulation was contained in thofe treaties, the writer well knows, and indeed admits, that it never was fulfilled. But the whole argument in this bufinefs, as in the cafe of Switzerland, refts on an affumption, that in treaties of this kind, not only the objects fhould be defined, but the precife mode of obtaining them (which muft, depend on future contingencies) pointed out.

Such are the objections to the league itfelf; which might with much better reafon have been cenfured, had it bound the parties to a precife and definite mode of obtaining every object profeffed. Subftantially, it was a league to recover, in fome degree, the balance of power, and provide for the independence and fecurity of Europe. Some of the principal measures by which thefe objects might be attained, were enumerated, but the precife mode of pursuing them was wifely left open to future difcuffion; which, between parties acting bona fide, and agreed as to their principal object, could be attended with little difficulty.

The next objection, as to the time and mode of forming the leage, would require a very long difcuffion. Suffice it to obferve, that fome facts are affumed without proof, namely, that we prematurely accelerated the converfion of other flates to a true fenfe of policy, by our "intreaties and fubfidies"; and that we endeavoured to " buy an attack upon France." For affertions, like thefe, there is no authority, but that of the Moniteur and its Satellites; whofe language indeed is, in many inftances, transfuled into this work. The whole argument against precipitation takes for granted, that there were no dangers, but many advantages in delay; a doctrine very queftionable; but which we cannot allow ourfelves time and space to difcufs.

In this anonymous author's review of the conduct of the war, inany measures are blamed apparently with juftice; but moft unjustly, and furely, therefore, ftill more unpatriotically is the whole cenfure directed against Britain; who had no right to direct, and, certainly could not controul, the measures of her continental allies. But the author cenfures our minifters for not having interfered, even in the choice of Auftrian generals, though we had not ftipulated to contribute a fingle man to the allied armies; and this because the Emperor of Rullia,

who

who had contributed fo large an army, wifhed that his troops might be commanded by their own generals, or an Auftrian archduke. The cautious and temperate courfe pursued by King William, in oppofing Louis the XIVth. is contrafted with the fuppofed precipitation of the league against Bonaparte, without the leaft confideration of the many circumtances in which the two periods effentially differ.

Having this, by a series of artful cavils, as we cannot but term them, rather than real arguments, endeavoured to figmatize the league which produced the late continental war, and to throw all the odium of its failure on Great Bri tain, the author points out what he confiders as the confe quences of our late foreign policy. Here we have a view of the prefent fate of Europe, prefented of course, in its moft gloomy afpect. The author dilates at large upon all the advantages which France has acquired, and all the loffes which Auftria fuftained. We will not examine how far both are exaggerated; nor whether it is in the nature of things that the fyltem eftablished by Bonaparte, founded, as it is, in wrong and oppreffion, and supported by fuch complicated machinery, fhould be permanent. But a more immediately important queftion arifes from the tendency of this author's reprefentations; which is, to recommend what he terms, "a new and neceffarily moderate and pacific fyftem." If this language has a meaning (and indeed the author fufficiently explains it afterwards), it is that Great Britain fhould, at all events, make a peace, upon the beft terms fhe can; and endeavour by fubmiffion, or fomething very like it, to conciliate her haughty, infidious, and (as experience has shown) inveterate enemy. We will not take upon ourselves, while a negotiation is depending, to pronounce whether or not, in the prefent ftate of affairs, a peace compatible with our honour and future independence can be obtained: but we will venture to affert, that the peace (or rather truce) of Amiens, and its confequences, fhould teach us, that these " moderate and pacific fyftems" may have dangers far greater than are likely to refult from vigour and perfeverance in war; and that those writers who endeavour to lower the public fpirit, and produce a defpondency which fhall aequiefce in almoft any terms of pacification, are far from being friends to their

country.

We will not pursue the reafonings of this author into further details. Suffice it to obferve, that the remarks on the conduct of our domeftic concerns, which he feems to have had in view at the outfet of his work, appear to have been totally forgotten before the end of it; and little notice

is taken of colonial affairs, unlefs an attempt to perfuade us that our conduct towards the neutral powers, in reftraining their carriage of the colonial produce of our enemies, is impolitic, will come within that defcription. On this fubject, indeed, he does not venture to argue the queflion of right with the able author of "War in Difguife", but puts it wholly upon expediency. On that ground alfo his arguments appear to us fallacious, and if they have not (as we think they have) been fufficiently anticipated in that masterly work, they can efily be overthrown by its public-fpirited and eloquent author. We will, in justice, add that the style and language of the author before us, are in general fluent and accurate; but in his zeal to fupport one branch of the prefent adminiftration, he throws out infinuations of a tendency manifeftly hoftile to another, and perfectly inconfiftent with his general commendations of the whole. To fuch inconfiftencies every writer is liable, who regards the views of a party more than the real interefts of his country.

We will now advert to the Anfwer which the foregoing Pamphlet has produced, and which we have thought fit to include in the fame Article, for the purpose of bringing the whole fubject into one point of view.

This author fets out with a remark, of fome importance, to fhow the partiality of the author of the Inquiry; namely, that in his "State of the Nation" (which ought to comprise all material circumftances) two moft important topics, the ftate of our public funds, and our naval victories, have been wholly omitted. Thence the writer of the answer infers, that the work under his review is only nominally an Inquiry into the State of the Nation, but really "a catalogue of the difficulties under which the fecretary for the foreign department is defirous that the public fhould believe he has entered upon office."

Noticing, as we have done, the cenfures occasionally thrown out in the Inquiry, against an important part of the prefent adminiftration, this author divides his Answer into

An Examination of the arguments adduced against the late Ministry, in regard to the laft campaign, as well as other continental affairs;" and "An Inquiry how far the present Miniftry have verified the predictions of the author, or juftified the lofty encomiums bestowed upon them."

He first replies to the objection, that there was no attempt to negociate under the mediation of Ruffia, by fhowing how imprchable it is that fuch a mediation would have been accepted; and that it was, in effect, rejected by Bonaparte, when, having granted paffports to a Ruffian negotiator, he,