conquered the most corrupt combination ever formed in the council. His veto messages have become municipal classics. Knowing his duty he has faithfully performed it, with what benefit to the public can hardly be over-estimated.

Tributes to his worth as emphatic as those quoted above were printed in other Buffalo city papers, coupled with the suggestion of his name in connection with the Democratic nomination for Governor. They were copied in many papers in other sections, and Democrats throughout the State began to examine closely into the record of the reform mayor. They found it, as we have found it, lustrous with all the best qualities of constitutional Democracy. Throughout the early summer his reputation spread among the voters of the party and wherever it penetrated it inspired confidence and won approbation. They came to know generally that which has been presented in this volume somewhat in detail, that he was a staunch Democrat, faithful to all the highest principles and traditions of the party, that from comparatively private life he had been summoned to the first executive office in the third largest city in the State, and that he had developed there the finest executive abilities. Back of his official record they found a man whose private character and reputation were a tower of strength to him and to the party which should choose him as its leader.

CHAPTER VIII.

THE ELECTION OF 1882.

HE Democratic State Convention was held at Syracuse on September 22, 1882. It was characterized by its earnest and harmonious spirit and by its purpose in its candidates and platform to secure the confidence and support of men of intelligent and independent political convictions in the State. The Republican Convention had met three days before at Saratoga, and after a bitter contest, in which charges of fraud, Federal dictation and the bribery of delegates were freely made, had nominated the Hon. Charles J. Folger, Secretary of the Treasury, for Governor. Under the leadership of the New York Times and the New York Evening Post several infiuential Republican newspapers in the State had already declared their purpose not to support the nomination. The New York Herald and several Independent journals had adopted the same course, and there were evidences of disaffection among Republican voters.

When the Democratic Convention assembled, the names of several distinguished Democrats were presented as candidates for the Democratic nomination for Governor. Among them, besides Mayor Cleveland, were General Henry E. Slocum, the Hon. Roswell P. Flower, the Hon. Allen Campbell and the Hon. Erastus Corning.

On the third ballot Mayor Cleveland was nominated for Governor amid the greatest enthusiasm. The significance of the nomination was realized by the Convention and by the party from the outset. In 1874 Samuel J. Tilden had been nominated for Governor as the ablest and most distinguished exponent of municipal reform, and had been

elected Governor by over 50,000 majority.

As the expo

nent of the same ideas, Grover Cleveland had now been placed in nomination with a certainty that his election would be effected by as large, if not by a larger, majority. The New York Sun, endorsing the nomination, said:

*

*

* No

Grover Cleveland, now mayor of Buffalo and the Democratic candidate for Governor of New York, is a man worthy of the highest public confidence. No one can study the record of his career since he has held office in Buffalo without being convinced that he possesses those highest qualities of a public man, sound principles of administrative duty, luminous intelligence and courage to do what is right, no matter who may be pleased or displeased thereby. matter what political faith a man may have been educated in, no matter by what party name he may now prefer to be called, no one can consider such principles and sentiments as those declared by Mr. Cleveland without feeling that such a public officer is worthy of the confidence and support of the whole people, and that the interests of the Empire State will be entirely safe in his hands.

The entire Independent press of the State took the same position and it soon became evident that the whole Independent vote, estimated at between sixty thousand and one hundred thousand, composed of men not permanently affiliated with either party, but voting generally according to the merits of the candidates and the issues involved, would be cast for the reform mayor. The number of Republican newspapers refusing to support Mr. Folger increased, and many prominent Republicans declared their intention to vote for Cleveland. Among these was the Hon. Sherman S. Rogers, the junior partner of the firm in which he had studied law and a personal friend for many years. Mr. Rogers said: "Grover Cleveland will make one of the best Governors New York State has ever had. He is honest, courageous, and firm almost to obstinacy. He will take no action except after thorough consideration, and he will execute his decisions in spite of cavil and outside pressure. He is one of the men who believe that what is right is wise."

Two weeks after the adjournment of the Convention Mayor Cleveland wrote the following letter of acceptance:

MR. CLEVELAND'S LETTER.

BUFFALO, October 7, 1882.

HON. THOMAS C. E. ECCLESINE, Chairman, etc.:

Dear Sir: I beg to acknowledge the receipt of your letter, informing me of my nomination for Governor by the Democratic State convention, lately held at the city of Syracuse.

I accept the nomination thus tendered to me and trust that, while I am gratefully sensible of the honor conferred, I am also properly impressed with the responsibilities which it invites.

The platform of principles adopted by the convention meets with my hearty approval. The doctrines therein enunciated are so distinctly and explicitly stated that their amplification seems scarcely necessary. If elected to the office for which I have been nominated, I shall endeavor to impress them upon my administration and make them the policy of the State.

Our citizens for the most part attach themselves to one or the other of the great political parties; and under ordinary circumstances they support the nominees of the party to which they profess fealty. It is quite apparent that under such circumstances the primary election or caucus should be surrounded by such safeguards as will secure absolutely free and uncontrolled action. Here the people themselves are supposed to speak; here they put their own hands to the machinery of government, and in this place should be found the manifestations of the popular will. When by fraud, intimidation or any other questionable practice the voice of the people is here smothered, a direct blow is aimed at a most precious right, and one which the law should be swift to protect. If the primary election is uncontaminated and fairly conducted those there chosen to represent the people will go forth with the impress of the people's will upon them, and the benefits and purposes of a truly representative government will be attained.

Public officers are the servants and agents of the people to execute laws which the people have made, and within the limits of a constitution which they have established. Hence the interference of officials of any degree, and whether state or federal, for the purpose of thwarting or controlling the popular wish should not be tolerated.

Subordinates in public place should be selected and retained for their efficiency, and not because they may be used to accomplish partisan ends. The people have a right to demand, here as in cases of

private employment, that their money be paid to those who will render the best service in return, and that the appointment to and tenure of such places should depend upon ability and merit. If the clerks and assistants in public departments were paid the same compensation and required to do the same amount of work as those employed in prudently conducted private establishments, the anxiety to hold these public places would be much diminished, and, it seems to me, the cause of civil service reform materially aided.

The system of levying assessments for partisan purposes on those holding office or place cannot be too strongly condemned. Through the thin disguise of voluntary contributions, this is seen to be naked extortion, reducing the compensation which should be honestly earned and swelling a fund used to debauch the people and defeat the popular will.

I am unalterably opposed to the interference by the Legislature with the government of municipalities. I believe in the intelligence of the people when left to an honest freedom in their choice, and that when the citizens of any section of the State have determined upon the details of a local government they should be left in the undisturbed enjoyment of the same. The doctrine of home rule, as I understand it, lies at the foundation of Republican institutions, and cannot be too strongly insisted upon.

Corporations are created by the law for certain defined purposes and are restricted in their operations by specific limitations. Acting within their legitimate sphere, they should be protected; but when by combination or by the exercise of unwarranted power they oppress the people, the same authority which created, should restrain them and protect the rights of the citizen. The law lately passed for the purpose of adjusting the relations between the people and corporations should be executed in good faith, with an honest design to effectuate its objects and with a due regard for the interest involved.

The laboring classes constitute the main part of our population. They should be protected in their efforts peaceably to assert their rights when endangered by aggregated capital, and all statutes on this subject should recognize the care of the State for honest toil and be framed with a view of improving the condition of the working

man.

We have so lately had a demonstration of the value of our citizen soldiery in time of peril, that it seems to me no argument is necessary to prove that it should be maintained in a state of efficiency, so that its usefulness shall not be impaired.

Certain amendments to the Constitution of our State, involving