careless of the interests of the people as to grow heedless of their responsibility to their masters. But the time comes, as certainly as death, when the people weigh them in the balance.

The issues to be adjudicated by the nation's great assize are made up and are about to be submitted.

We believe that the people are not receiving at the hands of the party which for nearly twenty-four years has directed the affairs of the nation, the full benefits to which they are entitled, of a pure, just and economical rule; and we believe that the ascendency of genuine Democratic principles will insure a better Government, and greater happiness and prosperity to all the people.

To reach the sober thought of the nation, and to dislodge an enemy intrenched behind spoils and patronage, involve a struggle, which, if we under-estimate, we invite defeat. I am profoundly impressed with the responsibility of the part assigned to me in this contest. My heart, I know, is in the cause, and I pledge you that no effort of mine shall be wanting to secure the victory which I believe to be within the achievement of the Democratic hosts.

Let us, then, enter upon the campaign now fairly opened, each one appreciating well the part he has to perform, ready, with solid front, to do battle for better government, confidently, courageously, always honorably, and with a firm reliance upon the intelligence and patriotism of the American people.

At the conclusion of his remarks the audience cheered again and again tumultuously as the Governor re-entered the house. The doors were thrown open, and taking his place in the broad hallway on the spot where eight years before Governor Tilden had received the congratulations of the people on his nomination, Governor Cleveland shook hands with the thousands who for two hours poured steadily in one door and out the other.

On his return from Chicago on Saturday evening to Indianapolis the Hon. Thomas A. Hendricks was greeted with a demonstration, equaling in magnitude and enthusiasm that which the citizens of Albany had tendered Governor Cleveland. In an eloquent address he declared his willingness to serve as the standard-bearer of the Democracy with the Governor of New York.

CHAPTER XVI.

THE

CONCLUSION.

HE story of Grover Cleveland's life has been told. Many of his more important official acts have been dwelt upon; selections from his State papers, which carry the clearest reflection of his ideas of government and the duties which rest upon the executive officer of a great people and of the motives and principles which should actuate him, have been presented; some of his addresses on occasions, not political in their nature, have been included within these covers, as they throw a strong light on his conceptions of life, of duty, and of the dignity of American citizenship.

It is not the province of this volume to supplement fact with argument. There are a few considerations, however, which must occur to every reader, as having some pertinence at this time and some bearing on the canvass which has begun.

Grover Cleveland is an honest and comparatively poor man. From his boyhood he has had to work for a living, and now in the prime of his life he is not beyond the necessity nor above the inclination to work. He is a plain American citizen to whom honor has come as the reward of honesty, industry and capacity in the service of the public. Throughout, he has been above the devices of the politician and preferment has come to him unsolicited and without effort on his part. Less than a fortnight before he was nominated for the Presidency, he wrote the following

letter which shows the spirit in which he regarded his relations with the National Democracy:

STATE OF NEW YORK, EXECUTIVE CHAMBER,
June 28,

J. PEMBROKE THOM, ESQ., President, etc.

Dear Sir: I have this morning received a copy of the resolutions of the Cleveland Club of Baltimore, and the accompanying letter of the president and secretary of that organization. The kind expressions of confidence therein contained are, of course, exceedingly gratifying. I feel that I now hold in my keeping a trust from the people of my State, which nothing should induce me to surrender except the demand of the people of the United States. I am very sure that the office of President, with all its responsibilities, is not one to be sought for ambitious ends, and I suppose it should not be declined. I have full faith in the wisdom of my party, and look for such action in the coming convention as will give the best guarantee of the ascendency of sound Democratic principles. Yours, sincerely, GROVER CLEVELAND.

The elevation of such a man to the highest position within the gift of the people cannot fail to exert a beneficent effect upon the politics of the country.

It will be felt by every young man who will read in his election the demonstration of the truth, too often questioned, that the surest way to attain honorable position in public life is to obey the dictates of conscience and perform faithfully one's duty.

It will be felt in every municipality of the State where men will come to realize that promotion for merit is the rule of political as well as of business and professional life. Activity and intensity of interest in political affairs of only local moment will be increased when it shall have been shown that they are the stepping-stones to affairs of greater importance and ultimately to those of the greatest importance. There can be no mystery surrounding the administration of the affairs of a great people when one may rise by gradual, steady and rapid promotion to positions of the greatest influence.

Finally the election of Grover Cleveland will be a triumph for honesty-personal honesty in the acknowledged character of the man, political honesty in the success of the causes which have led to his nomination and must lead to his election, and honesty in government, of which his official career has been throughout the lustrous example.

The following table exhibits by counties the vote in New York State for President in 1880, and for Governor and Chief Judge of the Court of Appeals in 1882. The vote on Chief Judge may be taken as practically a party vote, Judge Ruger commanding the full Democratic strength in the election, and Judge Andrews the full Republican strength. The charges of fraud in the Republican Convention at Saratoga, which drove so many Republicans from Folger and Carpenter, had no force against Andrews, as he was an incumbent of the bench at the time and his renomination was unanimously agreed upon and had been accepted by the party before the convention met: