measure, by the additional profits wrung from consumers, who ultimately are compelled to pay, not only the tariff thereon-or rather the enhanced price by reason of the tariff, but the additional profits thereon by reason of the enhanced price. For these and many more reasons, here excluded for want of space, Democrats are opposed to a high protective tariff-as specific duties upon imports."

CHAPTER VIII.

THE CONSTITUTION AND THE UNION.

THE Democratic party has always upheld the Constitu

tion of the United States, as the supreme law of the land, and an instrument that should receive the unvarying support of every American. The Union of the States, "one and inseparable," and bound together so closely that they can not be separated, is a cardinal doctrine of this timehonored party. There have been four especial opportunities for this party to show to the world that its advocacy of the permanency and inviolability of the Union and Constitution, has been consistent, radical, and unvarying from the formation of the party till the present hour. We will, for the sake of convenience, consider each opportunity separately and treat them under the head of attempts at rebellion.

The first effort toward rebellion against the Union and the Constitution, was in New England during the period of our troubles with Great Britain, when the Democratic party was exerting its every energy to maintain the honor of the country, the force of the Constitution, and the Union of the States.

James Madison was often severely censured by many of his most ardent political friends for not imprisoning the utterers of the following sentiments of treason, and although the danger from these influences was imminent, and at the time threatened to finally destroy the government, Mr. Madison trusted to the good sense of the people to maintain this government, nor did he arbitrarily arrest a man, nor proclaim the suspension of the writ of habeas corpus against any of the people. The sequel proved the

wisdom of Madison's course, for while the authors of that seditious treason that threatened to take New England out of the Union, soon found themselves buried in disgrace, he was spared the charge of even the attempt at oppression. All will agree that he would have been justified in arresting the authors of the following:

EXTRACTS OF TREASON.

Those who startle at the danger of separation tell us that the soil of New England is hard and sterile-that deprived of the productions of the South, we should soon become a wretched race of cowherds and fishermen; that our narrow territory and diminished population would make us an easy prey to foreign powers. Do these men forget what national energy can do for a people? Have they not read of Holland? Do they not remember that it grew in wealth and power amidst combat and alarm! That it threw off the yoke of Spain (our Virginia) and its chapels became churches and its poor man's cottages prince's palaces?-Boston Centinel, Dec. 10, 1814.

It is said, that to make a treaty of commerce with the enemy is to violate the Constitution, and to sever the Union. Are they not both already virtually destroyed? Or in what stage of existence would they be should we declare a neutrality, or even withhold taxes and men-Boston Centinel, Dec. 14, 1814.

By a commercial treaty with England which shall provide for the admission of such States as may wish to come into it, and which shall prohibit England from making a treaty with the South and Westwhich does not give us at least equal privileges with herself-our commerce will be secured to us; our standing in the Nation raised to its proper level, and New England feelings will no longer be sported with, or her interest violated.-Boston Centinel, 1814.

If we submit quietly our destruction is certain. If we oppose them with a highminded and steady conduct, who will say that we shall not beat them all? No one can suppose that a conflict with a tyranny at home, would be as easy as with an enemy from abroad, but firmness will anticipate and prevent it. Cowardice dreads it, and will surely bring it on at last. Why this delay? Why leave that to chance which our firmness should command? Will our wavering frighten government into compliance?—Ibid.

We must do it deliberately, and not from irritation at our wrongs and sufferings, and when we have once entered on the high course of

honor, and independence, let no difficulties stay our course, nor dangers drive us back.-Ibid.

We are convinced that the time is arrived when Massachusetts must make a resolute stand, and recurring to first principles, view men and things as they are. The sophisticated government which these States have witnessed for thirteen years past, has almost completed their ruin, and every day still adds to their distracted condition.Ipswich Memorial, Sept. 18, 1813.

The sentiment is hourly extending, and in these Northern States will soon be universal, that we are in no better condition with respect to the South than that of a conquered people.-Boston Centinel, January 13, 1813.

We have no more interest in waging this sort of war at present, at the command of Virginia, than Holland in accelerating her ruin, by uniting her destiny with France.-Ibid.

Should the present Administration, with the adherence in the Southern States still persist in the prosecution of this ruinous and wicked war, in unconstitutionally creating new States in the mud of Louisiana, and in opposition to the commercial rights and privileges of New England, much as we deprecate a separation of the Union, we deem it an evil much less to be dreaded than a co-operation with them in their nefarious projects.— Deerfield (Mass.) Petition, January 10, 1814.

You ask my opinion on a subject which is much talked of, a dissolution of the Union. On this subject I differ from my fellow-citizens generally, and therefore I ought to speak and write with diffidence. I have for many years considered the Union of the Northern and Southern States as not essential to the safety, and very much opposed to the interest, of both sections. The extent of the territory is too large to be harmoniously governed by the same representative body. A despotic prince, like the Emperor of Russia may govern a wide extent of territory, and numerous distinct nations, for his will controls their jealousies and discordant interests; but when States, having different interests are permitted to decide on those interests themselves, no harmony can be expected. The commercial and non-commercial States have views so different that I conceive it to be impossible that they ever can be satisfied with the same laws and the same system of measures. I firmly believe that each section would be better satisfied to govern itself, and each is large and populous enough for its own protection, especially as we have no powerful nations in our neighborhood. These observations are equally applicable to the Western States, a large body and a distinct portion of the country, which

would govern themselves better than the Atlantic States can govern them. [This was in accordance with the old Federal notion that some States should be controlled and governed by others—and New England has ever acted on that doctrine.] That the Atlantic States do not want the aid of the strength, nor the counsels of the Western States is certain, and I believe the public welfare would be better consulted and more promoted in a separate than in a Federal Constitution. The mountains form a natural line of division, and moral and commercial habits would unite the Western people. In like manner the moral and commercial habits of the Northern and Middle States would link them together, as would the like habits of the slave-holding States. Indeed, the attempt to unite this vast territory under one head, has long appeared to me absurd! I believe a peaceable separation would be for the happiness of all sections, but as the citizens of this country have generally been of a different opinion, it is best not to urge for a separation, till they are convinced of their error.-Communication in Boston Centinel, July 18, 1813.

We will ask the infatuated man of property, beguiled by the arts of Albert Gallatin, by what fund, and by whom, they will be repaid the advances made on exchequer bills and the loans, in the event of a dissolution of the Union? We ask them further, whether from present appearances, and under existing circumstances, there is the least foundation to build a hope that the Union will last twelve months? We look to Russia to save us from the horrors of anarchy. If a reverse of fortune is in reserve for Alexander, and the war continues, the Union is evidently gone.—Federal Republican, 1814.

The once venerable Constitution has expired by dissolution in the hands of those wicked men who were sworn to protect it. Its spirit, with the precious souls of its first founders, has fled forever. Its remains, with theirs, rest in the silent tomb. At your hands, therefore, we demand deliverance. New England is unanimous, and we announce our irrevocable decree, that the tyrannical oppression of those who at present usurp the powers of the Constitution is beyond endurance, and we will resist it.—Boston Centinel, Dec. 28, 1814.

Long enough have we grasped at shadows and illusions, and been compelled to recoil upon ourselves, and feel the stings of real, substantial, hopeless woe, sharpened by disappointment. Long enough have we paid the taxes and fought the battles of the Southern States. Long enough have we been scouted, abused and oppressed by men who claim a right to rule and to despise us. Long enough have we been submissive slaves of the senseless representatives of the equally senseless natives of Africa, and of the semi-barbarous huntsmen of the