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Starting from this point westward it passes to the north of Fourstones and through Newbrough, and in a very direct course to Chesterholm, where is the important station of Vindolana, and hence along to a considerable camp which is seated on the eastern edge of the Haltwhistle burn. Crossing this it goes over the summit of the hill at Sunnyrig, being deflected from its direct course to gain this height. Then falling down it makes direct for Caervoran (Magna).

Immediately west of this there are half a dozen important camps which, with the Caervoran station, form an arc of a circle. These being situated on high ground and on the watershed of the country east and west would, I think, form a stronghold in connection with the Stanegate. From this point westward the name is continued on the Ordnance plan in connection with the military way by the side of the Wall and vallum, but as this road is evidently the continuation of the one traced by the Wall side from near Procolitia, I think the more probable route for the Stanegate from Caervoran to have been along by the line of camps to Naworth, keeping the river Irthing as a northern defence ; thence to the north of the camp near Brampton (named Aballaba' on the one inch Ordnance map), and the camp near Watchclose, to Red Hills, from which point it is again traced as far as Parkbroom in the direction of Carlisle. The station of Caervoran, which is a little to the south of both Wall and vallum but on the line of the Stanegate, would favour this idea.

There appear to have been connecting roads between the Stanegate and the stations of Cilurnum and Borcovicus, the latter joining the Stanegate at Frendon hill. The Wall along by Borcovicus had its accompanying road between it and the vallum which would be well protected, whereas the Stanegate is at too great a distance off to have had protection from the Wall garrisons; also, as at the North Tyne river, the Stanegate seems to have had an independent crossing and not to have approached the bridges, the inference is that it was the pioneer work of the district.

Secondly, the Roman Wall would seem to have been a later work than the earlier of the two bridges, for the eastern abutment must (as previously explained) have occupied its site.

Thirdly, the castellum commanding the later bridge seems to be yet a later work than the Wall, and might have been added when the

second bridge was built, or even at a date later than that, when it became necessary to substitute for the Wall the line of defence afforded by the rivers Eden, Irthing, North Tyne, and Rede.

Then, fourthly, as to the inscrutable vallum, which seems to pursue a perfectly independent line across the river, and indeed to be independent of all around it. Seeming now to be defensive against the north, at other times equally so against the south, and also by its two aggers or ramparts affording as much cover for an enemy attacking as would be given to those defending, the question arises whether it was ever designed for a defensive work, or merely as marking a boundary possibly antecedent to Roman days. And

this seems to be favoured by the finding in the recent excavation cut across it near Heddon-on-the-Wall of a bronze axe head and a flint scraper of circular form about one and three-eighths inch in diameter. Also where the vallum was recently excavated at Down hill the road in connection with the Wall was cut

across in several places. In one of the sections it is found on the northern marginal mound of the vallum fosse, showing

that when it had been formed the vallum works were in existence and, in all probability obsolete.

Against this view may be adduced the similarity of the two fosses, those of the Wall and vallum, at the summit of Limestone bank where they are cut through the columnar basalt and each of them left in a similar state of incompletion ; and it seems curious why, if not contemporary, there should have been two ditches cut so close together through such intractable material,

and why, if the vallum fosse was existing, the Wall builders did not adopt it and build their wall on its southern margin.

These and many other questions concerning the northern boundary works await solution, and it may be hoped that the investigations now being instituted may be the means of clearing away some of the difficulties which have hitherto delayed that result.

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Read on the 30th August, 1893.] The ecclesiastical history of Slaley is somewhat peculiar. Originally it seems to have formed part of the parish of Bywell St. Andrew. Along with the rest of that ancient parish, it is mentioned, soon after the Conquest, as belonging to the barony of Bolbeck. In its more prosperous days, during the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, we find it named as a separate parish, and holding the position of a rectory. In the time of Henry III., Gilbert de Slaley, who was living in A.D. 1239, gave to Hexham priory the church of Slaley, with one plow land of the endowment of the said church, and a common of pasture in the village for 260 sheep, and a common of pasture in Le Stele for the same number;' and by the great charter of Inspeximus, granted by Edward I. to the prior and convent of Hexham, these lands and possessions in Northumberland, after the burning of their house by the Scots, were confirmed to them.

The Black Book of Hexham,' giving the rental of the prior and convent of Hexham, says that they hold in Slaley divers tenements, and half a carucate of land, and certain other acres and pasturage for sheep, as in the charter of the convent are contained. It was assessed as a rectory in pope Nicholas's taxation in 1292, and was again taxed as a church and distinct parish to the ninths in 1340. In the list of Procurations paid by the clergy of Northumberland in 1357 to

| Tenent etiam ecclesiam de Slaveley in proprios usus et unam carucatam terre de dote ejusdem ecclesie et communiam pasture in eadem villa ad ducentas et sexaginta oves et communiam pasture in le Stele ad ducentas et sexaginta oves in liberam puram et perpetuam elemosinam de dono Gilberti de Slaveleye et inde habuerunt cartam et confirmationem domini episcopi et capituli Dunelmensis et tenuerunt a tempore regis Henrici patris Domini regis nunc. Ex Rot. Cart. 27 Edw. I. 23rd Nov. 1298. In the tower of London. Hodgson, pt. III. vol. ii. p. 164. In Surtees Soc. vol. 46, p. 112, Raine gives a copy of this from what is said to be an original in the possession of W. B. Beaumont, esq. Query, can Mr. Beaumont's be an original, or is it a copy of the document in the tower of London ?

? SCLAVELEYE.-Tenent etiam in Sclavelye diversa tenementa et di caru. catam terrae, et alias certas acras, ut in cartis Conventus, et pasturas ad certas oves, ut in cartis continetur. [Then follows an interesting list of the tenants, with their holdings, and quantity of land held by each in Sclavelye, Prestplace, Lumbard's place, etc.] Hlexham Priory, vol. ii. (Surtees Soc. vol. 46), pp. 27-28. VOL. XVI.


cardinal Talairand and his colleagues the rector of Slaley is stated to have paid his share :

Rectoria de Slaveley non valet ultra iiijli xvjd & solvit ijs. From a survey of the estates of the priory of Hexham, made at the dissolution, we learn that Slaley was no longer a rectory. It appears simply as a chapel, and the officiating minister is styled chaplain : * Et in pencione annuali exeunde de capella de Slevele soluta abbati et conv. de Abbyland, p.a. xxiijs. SALARIA CAPELLANORUM

et in salario unius capellani servientis curam animarum infra capellam de Slavele, p.a. iiij li.'3

The period of the Reformation seems to have been a trying time for Slaley. When the priory of Hexham was dissolved the endowments of Slaley fell with it into improper (alias impropriator) hands, and in her impoverished condition, not being able to maintain her position of independence as a separate parish, the church of Slaley was obliged to return to the old maternal fold, and had to depend upon the motherchurch of Bywell St. Andrew for maintenance for a time. Randal, in his Survey of the Churches of Northumberland, gives Slaley as a chapelry in the parish of Bywell St. Andrew, with a list of curates from 1501 to 1756. In the Liber Regis, compiled by order of Henry VIII., this living is valued at £15.

At the Archdeacon's Visitation, held at Corbridge in 1601, it was reported of the curate and churchwardens that they have had no sermon this last yeare, and that they use no perambulation in Rogation weeke, and that the Register Booke is in paper.' Two years later the presentment is that they have no Register book, nor new communion booke.'

John Shaftoe, vicar of Warden, bequeathed by will, 13th May, 1693, an augmentation of £10 for ever to the church of Slaley, to be paid out of the mortgaged lands and estate of John Heron, bart., then lately deceased, of Chipchase.

In 1719 Slaley again arose to the rank of a separate parish. In a letter (dated 12th February, 1887) the secretary of Queen Anne's Bounty informs me that Slaley was augmented by the governors of Queen Anne's Bounty in the year 1719, that the cure was, prior to that date, an ‘Impropriate Curacy or chapelry, and the effect of augmentation was to make such curacy or chapelry a perpetual curacy and

3 Surtecs Soc. vol. 46, p. 169,

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benefice (see 1 Gen. I. c. 10, s. 4). The benefice has (he says) been subsequently augmented several times.

A church was built at Slaley in 1312, and an indulgence of forty days was granted to those who contributed to the fabric. The present church was erected in 1832, and in the vestry is preserved the contract for the work, which is dated 24th April, 1832.' On May 25th, 1832, the foundation stone of the new church was laid by the rev. C. Bird, vicar of Chollerton, in the presence of the clergy of the neighbourhood, the principal inhabitants, and a large concourse of people. The old church had become little better than a mass of ruins, and totally unfit for the celebration of divine service. By the persevering exertions of the rev. Henry Armstrong, the curate, and other members of a committee selected for that purpose, sufficient funds were raised to rebuild and enlarge the structure, without having recourse to a parish rate. Previous to the ceremony, the rev. C. Bird delivered an appropriate address. The stone was then laid with the usual ceremonies. On the 4th of November, 1832, the new church was opened for divine service. It consists of chancel, nave, western bell turret, vestry on south of nave, with a gallery on the north side of the nave. It affords room for three hundred and fifty worshippers, whilst the old church had only ninety-four sittings.

Two bells were placed in a turret at the west end, when the church was rebuilt in 1832. They are both of that date, but bear no inscription. Registers begin in 1704. The old vicarage house, now a picturesque ruin covered with ivy, is worthy of note. The Shaftoe charity is said to have been spent in buying land and building this old house. The new vicarage was built by vicar Heslop. In the church there is à 'three-decker,' with a sounding-board over, and a curious font, a stone octagonal basin, ten inches in diameter, on a wooden octagonal stem, four feet high. On the west side of the south door is a tombstone bearing the inscription :—HERE LIETH | RICHARD TEAS | DALE OF SLALEY | GENTLEMAN | DIED THE FIRST | DAY OF MARCH | ANO DOMINI | 1635.

The communion plate has been described by Mr. Blair in the Proceedings of the Society.5

* Memorandum.-Quod xxiijo die Novembris, anno Domini millesimo ccomo xijo, concessit dominus xl dies indulgentiae omnibus conferentibus de bonis suis, ad fabricam ecclesiae de Slaveley, Dunelinensis diæcesis. Bp. Kellawe's Register, I. p. 254.

& Vol. iii. p. 272.

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