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desist from several remarks intended for this part of the subject. We trust, that from what has been said, our readers will be enabled to arrive at a just understanding of the history and objects of the Colonization Society, the practicability of these objects, and the methods by which they may be attained. Much more might be added to illustrate this last topic, both in regard to the local circumstances of the colony at Mesurado, and to the means employed at home to supply it with emigrants; but the view we have taken is enough, we think, to justify us in the belief, that the plan in its outlines is well conceived, and wants only the vigorous cooperation of the public to make it entirely successful.

We should be glad, also, if we had room, to press a few of the reasons, why the particular attention of our national · legislature is demanded to this colony, and to urge the importance of its being taken wholly under the charge and jurisdiction of the government. In regard to what is called the constitutional question, whether the United States have power to establish such a colony, we know not in what it differs from the question, whether they have power to put their own laws in execution, or take the only efficient measures to suppress an evil, whose contagion is daily spreading, and which threatens a more serious calamity than any other to our national prosperity, if not to our political being. It would be strange, indeed, if it should be made plain to our legislators, that the constitution stops their ears to the cries of humanity, ties their hands from the work of benevolence, and compels them to nurture the seeds and foster the growth of our own destruction. And it comes to this, if they have not power to establish a colony abroad to receive the free blacks; for we hold it to be a position, as firmly grounded as any law in nature or society, that our black population can never be drawn off, except through the medium of such an establish

Let us denominate our colony a Territory, if we will, and then it will not differ from our other Territories, except in being separated from the confederated States by an ocean, instead of a river, or lake. A voyage from Washington to Mesurado can be performed as quick as to the Falls of St Anthony, or the Saut of St Mary, and much quicker than to the Mandan Villages.

The expediency of such a territory is to be settled, pero haps, on other principles, but it would hardly seem 'possible for a division to exist on this point. The advantages to this country of a colony in Africa, under the patronage of the government, are not to be calculated ; and it needs not be reckoned among its least recommendations, that it would hold out the prospect of removing, in a good degree, the causes of the present differences between the governments of the United States and Great Britain, concerning mixed commission courts, and the mutual privilege of search on the coast of Africa. It may be added, moreover, that should the colony be taken into the hands of the government, it will enable Virginia to pursue her long meditated plan of providing for the colonization of her free blacks. It is but reasonable to suppose, also, that other states would follow the example, especially those, which have already, by a vote of their legislatures, approved the scheme of the Colonization Society. They might act with a confidence and security, which they cannot feel in a private body, however strong in its numbers, or fortunate in its operations.

But we do not mean to encourage the Society in any relaxation of duty, by thus proposing to take away its most oppressive burden. We would excuse it from the troublesome, if not impracticable task of controlling and governing the colony, but we would have all its energy, its zeal, and its resources employed in carrying forward the grand object. This can be done in a more efficient manner, by acting in concert with the government; every weight thrown into the scale will then be felt in its full force.

The Society may watch over the execution of the laws, keep an eye on abuses, and communicate to the government valuable intelligence, which it would not derive from any other source.

In the year 1807, shortly after the abolition act was passed in England, the African Institution was formed, with the avowed object of affording all possible aids to the full operation of that act. To this end it has been of essential service, by taking cognizance of events, disseminating a knowledge of African affairs, and occasionally presenting memorials to Parliament, or addresses to the King, calling their attention to particular subjects, which the inquiries and experience of the Institution proved to them demanded additional legislation, or more vigorous executive measures. The Annual Reports of the Institution have sent out a fund of information, which has equally enlightened the public mind, and given a tone to public sentiment. The attention of the Colonization Society may be profitably turned into similar channels.

Another object, which may prove beneficial to the plan of colonization, is that of promoting travels and discoveries in the interior of Africa. Thirty six years ago the African Association was organized in London for this purpose, and almost all the knowledge of interior Africa, which has since come to light, has been derived through the agency of this Association. Our enterprising countryman, John Ledyard, was the first person employed in its service. He embarked in the undertaking with an enthusiasm and perseverance peculiar to himself alone, and which had previously carried him through many perils and sufferings to every quarter of the globe; but he found an untimely grave in Egypt, when he was on the point of starting in a caravan for Nubia. The interesting and valuable discoveries of Hornemann and Park were made under the authority of the same Association. Let our Society send persons to explore the Mesurado river, or to engage in any other expeditions of discovery, from which the colony can be benefited, or the cause of African civilization advanced.

Schools ought also to be established, both in this country and in Africa, for the instruction of free persons of color, recaptured negroes, and natives. It is desirable, that there should be at least one institution in the United States, designed exclusively for an African education, where youths may be taught with the express view of going to Africa, and where young natives, whom their parents may suffer to come away, shall be looked after and educated. The auxiliary societies, scattered over the country, will be enabled to select the best subjects for such a school from among the families of those, who may be inclined to emigrate, and each auxiliary society may engage to support such persons as it shall send.

To the common elementary branches of knowledge, might be added the history and geography of Africa, the laws and customs of the people, accounts of the climate, soil, and

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trade, and whatever else should qualify the pupil for entering on his new sphere to the best advantage to himself and the community, in the capacity in which he shall be destined to act. Schools of the same kind may be set up in the colony, with a course of instruction adapted to circumstances. The humbler and more useful arts of life may be taught to the natives, who may be induced to attend the schools. The most promising of the colonists may learn some of the languages of the interior, which shall fit them for greater influence and usefulness. Religious instruction may be inculcated, churches built, and preachers supported. In short, the Colonization Society will never want employment for its means and strength, nor meet with any obstructions to the fullest exercise of its benevolence and activity, although it shall relinquish the arduous and embarrassing task of holding supreme direction over the colony.

While writing the above, we have been gratified to see accounts of new auxiliary societies springing up in different parts of the country, and especially one at Richmond, Virginia, with the venerable Chief Justice Marshall at its head. The sanction of such a name may well confirm the confidence of the steady advocates for colonization, and communicate a quickening power to the tardy zeal of the wavering. When, in addition to this, we reflect on the unqualified approbation with which the present Chief Magistrate of the nation has uniformly regarded the designs of the Colonization Society, the number of distinguished persons found among its active patrons, and the progress it has made under an accumulation of discouraging circumstances, we can hardly desire a stronger testimony to the importance of its objects, or a more auspicious presage of its ultimate success.

Art. IV.-Confessions of an English Opium-Eater. Lon

don, 1822. pp. 206. It is the lot of men to suffer, as we have all read in the school books and elsewhere. The fine structure, which gives vivacity to the senses, and makes us capable of plea

surable sensations, renders us liable to a thousand annoyances. Great excitability, or a system naturally sluggish, may make the air and food we live upon, poisonous; and condemn us to ache under the processes of breathing and digestion. And then, the best physical organization is made to be worn out, and, what by use and abuse, misfortune and imprudence, too early becomes feeble and hardly able to maintain the unequal contest with the elements. The mind is thus incessantly harrassed and pressed, like the garrison of a weak citadel besieged by a strong foe, to which it must finally surrender. Sympathy inflicts on us the sufferings of others, and makes misery contagious. Or if nothing external to the mind gives it trouble, it may possess within itself sufficient materials of misery; its regrets of the past, or forebodings and despair of the future, may settle upon it like a cloud, through which it can look at the world only as an undesirable place. Or mere vacancy, the pain of not being excited, is in itself an evil, that puts nimble and impatient spirits upon the pursuit of sensation.

Pain is, according to the doctrine of some wise men, the only motive to action; and in their opinion, therefore, all this throng of men that we see crowding and justling each other in the world, and crossing each others' paths in all directions, is made up of so many patients, each in the eager search of some particular remedy for the evil he feels or fears. But of all the modes of assuaging present pain, or seeking present pleasure, the most preposterous is that of sacrificing the means of future comfort ; and the habits least worthy of a thinking being, are those which make the mind depend for its solaces and enjoyments, on physical sensations and affections. The impulse of excited passion or appetite is allowed by the world to be some apology for many acts, that would not otherwise be excusable ; but it should seem incredible, that any person would cooly, and with deliberate purpose, choose a substance to put into his stomach, which, though it may dispel present anxiety, or call up a train of agreeable images and sensations, is yet certain to remain in his system a future poison, inducing pain, weakness, melancholy, and early decrepitude. This is however done, more or less frequently, by many persons, and most flagrantly of all, by those who resort to opium as a luxury. A case of this

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