PAULINE. Say that, if his eye He calls his child to save him! Shall I shrink The night is past; joy cometh with the morrow. PAULINE. (pointing to Damas.) have a prior claim. Before the face Of man and Heaven I urge it! I outbid Yon sordid huckster for your priceless jewel. (Giving a pocketbook.) Blush not to take it: There is the sum twice told! "Thrice have I sought to speak; my courage fails me. There's not a coin that is not bought and hallow'd Sir, is it true that you have known, nay, are The friend of Melnotte ? MELNOTTE. Lady, yes! Myself And misery know the man! In the cause of nations with a soldier's blood! BEAUSEANT. Their happiness Maddens my soul! I am powerless and revengeless! (To madame.) I wish you joy! Ha, ha! The gardener's son ! Methinks Your friend intends to hang himself! GLAVIS. Sir, you are exceedingly obliging! PAULINE. [Exit. Oh! My father, you are saved, and by my husband. Ah! blessed hour! MELNOTTE. Yet you weep still, Pauline! PAULINE. But on thy breast! these tears are sweet and holy! MONS. DESCHAP. You have won love and honor nobly, sir! MADAME DESCHAP. "The Hawaiian Spectator, Vol. 1, No. 1; Conducted by an association of gentlemen. January, 1838. Honolulu, Oahu, Sandwich Islands. 1838." An unexpected stranger is now introduced to our read[Exilers, and we doubt not will meet with a cordial reception; for who is so apathetic as to be indifferent of a people, which has constituted an important portion of that benighted race which has been illumed by the benevolent operations of the missionary enterprises of the present philanthropic age? By means of such a periodical, judiciously conducted, we shall be able to obtain important information concerning the geological features of this interesting group of islands, the climate, soil and natural products, the moral and physical powers of the natives, and last, though not least in importance, the influence of the missionary scheme, whether for weal or wo. A very interesting sketch of the Marquesian character occupies several pages of the present number. I'm all astonish'd! Who, then, is Colonel Morier? DAMAS. You behold him! MELNOTTE. Morier no more after this happy day! I would not bear again my father's name MADAME DESCHAP. A colonel and a hero! Well, that's something! MELNOTTE. Ah! the same love that tempts us into sin, "The Last Man. Petersburg: From the press of Edmund Ruf fin. 1839." "Catalogue of the Officers and Students of William and Mary College: Session of 1837-38." We are glad to find that this venerable institution of learning continues to receive a considerable portion of the students of Virginia, and trust that what is so richly deserved, will be long continued. The present class, one hundred and eleven, is within two of being the largest ever assembled within her classic walls. We copy the following summary : "The number of students attending the respective departments are: T. R. DEw, Pro "A Valedictory Address, delivered to the Students of the University of North Carolina, by William Hooper, late professor of ancient languages in that institution, &c. Raleigh: 1938." This is an able and eloquent appeal to the youth of B. TUCKER, Pro-Junior Political (National Law,) 44 North Carolina; affectionately but cogently impressing upon them the necessity of selecting and pursuing a virtuous, moral, and religious life, from the even tenor of which they must reap happiness and influence. "Speeches of Joseph Hopkinson and Charles Chauncey, on the Judicial Tenure. Delivered in the Convention of Pennsylvania for revising the Constitution. Philadelphia: E. L. Carey & A. Hart. 1938." We commend these able intellectual efforts to the statesmen of our country, assured that they will glean from them sound political views. fessor. Municipal Law, J. MILLINGTON, Professor of Civil Engineering,.....14 CORRECTION.—In the biographical notice of the author of "Clinton Bradshaw," "The Emigrant," &c. in the May number of the Messenger, the biographer has accidentally inserted "Francis" in the place of Frederick William Thomas. On page 300, for the "Beechen Tree," read "The Adventures of a Poet; a tale told in rhyme." VOL. IV. T. W. WHITE, Editor and Proprietor. RICHMOND, AUGUST, 1838. PROSE FRAGMENT. BY A BACHELOR. The mind, says a modern writer, must have its appui. Sterne had said before him that the good and feeling heart must have some object whereupon to base its deep affections. Sterne was perhaps the more heartless of the two; but his observation accords best with the gentler feelings of our nature. The mind must have its appui-a stay on which to rest its thoughts, its hopes, its cares. Ambition that would sacrifice the liberty of nations-would chain up thought and action, and cement inglorious powers by the blood of those over whom they were acquired—has been the guiding passion of some. Thank God! the serpent's head hath been crushed in these our latter days, and the world will henceforth suffer comparatively little from irresponsible power. Wealth has been reared into an idol. Sensual license hath had no small influence in impressing and controlling the characters of men. Learning the hidden secrets of nature-the wide volume opened by the incomprehensible incidents from an unseen cause daily exhibiting its influence before us in our very dwelling places-the air-the stars-the perfume of a flower-the innumerable mysteries of space, of time, and of existence-have called forth researches and created speculations, that have occupied the minds of thousands. Why mention other subjects which have furnished the mental food of some, to the exclusion of all the purer and lovelier feelings of our kind? And thou, calm, meek, sublime Religion! how hast thou been the hope, the sustaining power, the appui of many a rare and spotless spirit! No. VIII. FIVE DOLLARS PER ANNUM. as the first emotion of pity felt by Angel breasts, for the doom pronounced upon their fallen peers, are the aspirations of thy noble Soul! That Brow! (Who doubts, that once has seen, the character and feelings indexed by that Brow? Strange sympathy between the mind and outward form!) The wisdom of Divinity hath written there the just and gentle Heart! That queenlike step and air! I may not all portray their Dignity and Grace. Do not the tones of thy soft and flutelike Voice still linger round my memory, and haunt it with a strange, unearthly melody? When shall its breathings fall upon the ear again! MECKLENBURG DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE.* The April number of the "Southern Literary Messenger" contains a spirited article, entitled "The New York Review of Mr. Jefferson Reviewed." In the course of the reviewer's remarks, allusion is made to the Mecklenburg Declaration of Independence, adopted on the 20th of May, 1775. As the issue there presented is clothed in rather a mystical garb, and as the subject is still new, and imperfectly understood by many in our common country, we have been induced to believe that a condensed view of this novel and inte As this is the second notice taken in the Messenger of the Mecklenburg Declaration, and as it is, in itself, a very curious Revolutionary and Literary relic, we have thought it might gratify the curiosity of our readers, to lay it before them. The following is a copy of it, taken from Mr. G. Tucker's "Life of Thomas Jefferson," &c. Let me not elevate the selfish pleasures of sense and "The Mecklenburg Declaration of Independence. "That whosoever directly or indirectly abets, or in any way, form, or manner, countenances the unchartered and dangerous invasion of our rights, as claimed by Great Britain, is an enemy to this country, to America, and to the inherent and undeniable rights of man. Yea-after all, my thoughts are all of Thee! How doth my spirit wander from the dull page of Science, to summon forth thy bright and gentle glance! Strangely commingled with the bold ideas of old philosophy-linked to the half framed thoughts on codes, and laws, and rights, as they rise upon the mind, steal o'er the sense those soft emotions born of Love and Faith and Thee! Gentle, yet vivid as that light which the great Creator spoke into being o'er the new-made world, is the radiant beauty of thy glorious Eye! Pure giance to the British crown, and abjure all political connexion, contract, or association with that nation, who have wantonly trampled on our rights and liberties, and inhumanly shed the blood of American patriots at Lexington. "That we do hereby declare ourselves a free and independent people; are, and of right ought to be, a sovereign and selfgoverning association, under the control of no power, other than that of our God, and the general government of Congress; to the maintenance of which independence, we solemnly pledge to each other, our mutual co-operation, our lives, our fortunes, and our most sacred honor. "That as we acknowledge the existence and control of no law nor legal officer, civil or military, within this county, we every of our former laws; wherein, nevertheless, the crown of do hereby ordain and adopt as a rule of life, all, each, and Great Britain never can be considered as holding rights, privileges, immunities, or authority therein. "That it is further decreed, that all, each, and every military officer in this county, is hereby reinstated in his former com And that every member present of this delegation shall hencemand and authority, he acting conformably to the regulations. forth be a civil officer, viz. a justice of the peace, in the charac all matters of controversy, according to said adopted laws; and VOL. IV.-61 ter of a committee man, to issue process, hear, and determine fully disposed to render to Mr. Jefferson all that meed of approbation to which his eminent services justly entitle him; but, at the same time, wish to guard against that overweening attachment or parasitical admiration for a distinguished name which would make us partial in our decisions. resting transaction would be acceptable to the readers | conveys salutary advice, and requires only time, in this to preserve peace, union, and harmony in said county, and to In preparing this succinct account of a memorable event, and the most prominent causes leading thereto, we shall draw our materials from the few recent pub either the reviewer or the reviewed, it will be an honest difference-not resulting from dark revenge or rancor ous feeling-and our remarks, accordingly, will be more of a corrective and explanatory, than a controversial nature. On the greater portion of the article above referred to, touching Mr. Jefferson's religion, critique of our own, but feel perfectly willing to permit the literary combatants, "With stomachs stout It is our misfortune to differ with Mr. Tucker about the cha-moral defects, &c. we are not disposed to offer any racter of this document. He is anxious to justify Mr. Jefferson against the charge of plagiarism, and he contends that the charge is the other way; that the Mecklenburg Declaration has been altered, both in its scope and expressions, from its original cast; that the two paragraphs in which the coincidence (between the Mecklenburg Declaration and Mr. J.'s Declaration,) is found, have been subsequently interpolated, with a view of enhancing the merit of the act, and of making it a more unequivocal Declaration of Independence! One of Mr. Tucker's arguments in favor" of the probability of this supposition," is, that "it seems impossible, that if they had all been drawn at once, the second and third had not preceded that which now stands first. We can (says he) more easily believe that so sin gular an inversion of natural order was caused by the wish to conceal and counterfeit interpolation, than that it ever could have suggested itself to any mind that had written all the five resolutions." We think, on the other hand, that all the propositions stand in their natural order; that the one grows necessarily out of the other, as conclusions following their premises. Mark the necessary connexion! The 1st proposition declares in substance that Great Britain has violated the charter of our rights,-so plainly and directly that no man can countenance the invasion, without being an enemy to America, and to the inherent rights of man. Without, therefore, pretending to award the palm of victory to either, we leave the matter where we find it, before the public tribunal-sub judice lis est, and shall acquiesce in their decision. At an early period in the history of North Carolina, may be traced manifest signs of that spirit of freedom and secret aspirations after liberty, which afterwards shone out in all their meridian splendor. The great distance of the mother country-the absence of royal magnificence-the free exercise of religious opinionsthe general mediocrity of society-the numerous obstacles surmounted in settling a wilderness and securing a home, all tended to produce among the colonies a sense of self-dependence, and render them averse to every spe cies of superiority or domination. They were so many excitants in awakening successful enterprize, and gradually unfolding to view a progressive development of And because she has so directly invaded our charter and our rights, therefore the 2nd resolution declares the political bonds, that have connected us with the mother country are hereby dis-national pride. From these causes and others of col solved. lateral tendency, originated an early conviction that all men were "created equal," endowed with certain inalienable" or "inherent rights," and entitled to certain "exclusive privileges." When it was resolved by Parliament on the 10th of March, 1764, to raise a revenue in the colonies by a system of taxation, the delicate cord of "national rights" was sensibly touched, and ceased not to vibrate until the disturbing cause was removed. On the 31st of October following, we find the popular house of the assembly of North Carolina, in their address to the Governor, openly avowing its injustice and unconstitutionality. On the passage of the Stamp Act in 1765, the citizens of North Carolina exhibited, in common with the other colonies, an unqualified disapprobation of the "odious measure," and a stern and unyielding opposition to its execution In all this it appears to us, that there is nothing forced, and no within her borders. This exasperated state of feeling inversion of the natural order--but that the several links form a and complete failure on the part of the British ministry connected chain of propositions--the 2nd naturally growing out to distribute stamps, we cannot pursue in detail. Suf of the 1st, the 3rd out of the 2nd, until the whole are exfice it to say, it justly constitutes one of the proudest Because these are dissolved, the 3rd proposition therefore declares us to be a free and independent people, a sovereign and self-governing association, subject to no other control than the power of God, and the authority of the general government of Congress--and they pledge themselves to maintain that independence at every hazard. And because, as a consequence of this dissolution, they acknowledge the existence of no law or officer (of the British government as some temporary government is wanting within at county,) they, therefore, in the 4th proposition adopt, (of their own accord,) and as their rule of action, their former laws; disclaiming at the same time any authority in the British crown to claim any rights, privileges, &c. under those laws. And because they have voluntarily re-adopted the laws (and must have officers to carry them into execution), the 5th proposition therefore reinstates every military officer in the county in his former authority—and they also constitute civil officers, to issue processes, and determine all matters of controversy, according to said adopted laws, &c. hausted. But, though we cannot subscribe to Mr. T.'s suppositions, still we agree with him in his main object. We clear Mr. Jefferson the charge of plagiarism, as we have shown in our April No. and most brilliant achievements in the history of the state. But another strong fomenting cause in North Carolina, of an early and continued repugnance against British authority, and which ultimately exerted a more | liquors, &c. Of these distracting questions the courtpowerful influence on the destinies of her people, than law controversy was the most prominent source of disgrievances of a common nature, is to be found in the satisfaction. number and frequency of her gubernatorial quarrels. In "For more than twenty years before the Revoluthe history of no one of the colonies, not excepting Mas- tionary war, the popular house and the Governors were sachusetts with her inexorable Hutchinson, can be traced divided on the details of a bill to establish Courts of such a continual conflict of opinion betwixt the Governors Law." We will now advert to a few important transand people. Every arbitrary exaction, or unjust inva-actions in the administration of Josiah Martin, Tryon's sion of the people's rights on the part of the Governors, successor, and the last of the royal Governors. On who were mere instruments of power, clothed with a the 19th of November, 1771, Martin met his first assemlittle brief authority, strongly tended to aggravate bly. At each session of the assembly, from the year existing troubles, and weaken allegiance to the crown. 1771 to 1774, inclusive, there occurred a quarrel with Hence arose the belief that "moderation ceased to be the Governor, invariably terminating in a prorogation a virtue, when the liberty of the British subject was in of that body. These prorogations or dissolutions unidanger;" and to submit, under such circumstances, formly grew out of the adoption of some high-toned became a crime. From the 3rd of April, 1765, to the 1st resolution, or the passage of some bill on the several of July, 1771, North Carolina was governed by Wil- | local questions which agitated the province. After the liam Tryon. During the whole term of his ad- dissolution of the assembly, in the spring of 1774, the ministration, the public mind was agitated by the situation of the province was little short of anarchy. passage of the Stamp Act. Tryon met his first assem- The total disregard to the wants of the people on the bly one month after entering upon the duties of his part of the Governor, could not fail to produce the most office. Rumors and reports from the North currently intense excitement. Owing to this incessant source of prevailed among the people, that the Stamp Act had vexation, and the universal discontent that prevailed, been passed by Parliament. "This intelligence reached we find the principal whig leaders of that day busily Wilmington shortly after the meeting of the assembly; engaged in maturing plans for the organization of a proand such was the violence exhibited by the members vincial Congress, "directly from the people, and indeof the popular house, that Governor Tryon suddenly pendent of the authority of the Governor." The prorogued the legislative body on the 18th of the same following extract from a letter of William Hooper to month in which it had assembled. The popular house James Iredell, dated April 26th, 1774, forcibly illushad but just replied to the opening speech of the Go-trates the tone of thinking among some of the public vernor, and adopted the usual preliminary steps of legislation." Such was the excitement produced, that the Governor "apprehended an overt act of treason; and to arrest the disease in its incipient stage, prorogued the assembly." The patriotic enthusiasm that manifested itself, was so strong, that "the speaker, John Ashe, pledged himself that he would resist the iniquitous law, and informed the Governor that the people would support him in the holy cause. Had the Governor permitted the house to have organized itself on the 30th of November, the day to which it stood prorogued, its proceedings would not have proved less treasonable in the eyes of royalty. characters on prospective events, in which it is said, "With you I anticipate the important share which the colonies must soon have in regulating the political ba lance. They are striding fast to independence, and will ere long build an empire on the ruins of Britain; will adopt its constitution, purged of its impurities; and, from an experience of its defects, will guard against those evils which have wasted its vigor, and brought it to an untimely end." This is strong language, and sufficiently indicative of the spirit of the times. It is here particularly adverted to, that the reader may mark the period that gave it birth. When the project of a provincial and continental Congress was published In this year, 1765, a proposition was adopted by the abroad, the people embraced it with enthusiasm and assembly of Massachusetts, and warmly responded to zeal. About the 1st of July handbills were circulated by the other colonies, to form a general Congress, con- throughout the province, inviting the people to elect sisting of delegates from the popular house of each. delegates to a convention, to be held at Newbern on In this Congress, which convened in New York, seve- the 25th of August. The objects of the said convenral of the colonies were not represented. North Caro- tion were stated to be to express the sentiments of the lina was deprived of the opportunity of sending dele- people "on acts lately passed by the Parliament of gates, through the rash prorogation of the assembly Great Britain, and to appoint delegates to represent the above alluded to, just on the eve of entering into an elec- province in a continental Congress." By the 1st of tion. The popular house was not permitted to convene August a large majority of the counties had held elecitself until November, 1766; being prorogued in Feb- tions, and returned their most faithful leaders. When ruary preceding, by royal proclamation. Thus, through information of these elections reached the Governor, the fears of the Governor, the province was deprived of who at first doubted the success of the plan, he issued, an assembly for more than eighteen months. At this on the 12th of August, the usual missile of authority, a session occurred a quarrel with the Governor on account proclamation, condemning such proceedings. But the of the long chasm in the legislation of the province. proclamation proved of no avail-vox, et præterea nihil— The house likewise regretted its inability of acting in concert with the other colonies in the late Congress. But our limits will compel us to pass over many legislative disputes growing out of acts of ministerial dictation-the court-law controversy-the repeal of the acts of 1749 and 1754, laying a poll-tax, and a duty on a vain and inoperative display of words. The delegates punctually met in Newbern on the 25th of August, 1774. This was the first provincial Congress. The interesting proceedings on that occasion can receive in this sketch nothing more than a passing notice. The several acts of Parliament, imposing duties on imports, |