to the wants and enjoyments of physical life, they have | tions, which demand all and more than all the labor done so by the help of means with which they were which our country can supply. Are these regions of furnished by the Grecian mind-the mother of civiliza- fertility to be abandoned at once and forever to the tion-and only pursued a little further the track which alligator and tortoise-with here and there perhaps a that had already pointed out. In the development of miserable, shivering, crouching free black savage? intellectual power, they will hardly bear comparison. Does not the finger of heaven itself seem to point to a Those noble republics in the pride of their strength and race of men-not to be enslaved by us but already engreatness, may have anticipated for themselves-as slaved, and who will be in every way benefitted by the some of their poets did for them-an everlasting duration change of masters--to whom such climate is not unconand predominance. But they could not have antici- genial, who though disposed to indolence are yet patient pated, that when they had fallen under barbarous arms, and capable of labor; on whose whole features, mind that when arts and civilization were lost, and the whole and character, nature has indelibly written-slave;— earth involved in darkness-the first light should break and indicate that we should avail ourselves of these in from their tombs-that in a renewed world, unconnect- fulfilling the first great command to subdue and replened with them by ties of locality, language or descent, ish the earth? they should still be held the models of all that is profound It is true that this labor will be dearer than that of in science, or elegant in literature,—all that is great in northern countries, where under the name of freedom, character, or elevated in imagination. And perhaps they obtain cheaper and perhaps better slaves. Yet when England herself, who now leads the war with it is the best we can have, and this too has its compenwhich we are on all sides threatened, shall have fulfil-sation. We see it compensated at present by the supeled her mission, and like the other glorious things of the rior value of our agricultural products. And this su earth, shall have passed away; when she shall have perior value they must probably always have. The diffused her noble race and noble language, her laws, southern climate admits of a greater variety of producher literature and her civilization, over all quarters of the tions. Whatever is produced in northern climates, the earth, and shall perhaps be overrun by some northern same thing, or something equivalent, may be produced horde-sunk into an ignoble and anarchical democra- in the southern. But the northern have no equivalent cy, or subdued to the dominion of some Cæsar,demagogue and despot, then, in southern regions, there may be found many republics, triumphing in Grecian arts and civilization, and worthy of British descent and Roman institutions.

for the products of southern climates. The consequence will be, that the products of southern regions will be demanded all over the civilized world. The agricultural products of northern regions are chiefly for their own consumption. They must therefore apply If after a time, when the mind and almost the memo- themselves to the manufacturing of articles of luxury, ry of the republic were lost, Romans degenerated, they elegance, convenience or necessity,--which requires furnish conclusive evidence that this was owing not to cheap labor-for the purpose of exchanging them with their domestic, but to their political slavery. The their southern neighbors. Thus nature herself indicates same thing is observed over all the eastern monarchies; that agriculture should be the predominating employand so it must be, wherever property is insecure; and ment in southern countries, and manufactures in northit is dangerous for a man to raise himself to such emi-ern. Commerce is necessary to both-but less indispennence, by intellectual or moral excellence, as would sable to the southern, which produce within themselves give him influence over his society. So it is in Egypt, a greater variety of things desirable to life. They will and the other regions bordering the Mediterranean, therefore have somewhat less of the commercial spirit. which once comprehended the civilization of the world; We must avail ourselves of such labor as we can comwhere Carthage, Tyre and Phonecia flourished. In mand. The slave must labor and is inured to it; while short, the uncontradicted experience of the world is, the necessity of energy in his government, of watchfulthat in southern States where good government and ness, and of preparation and power to suppress insurpredial and domestic slavery are found, there are pros-rection, added to the moral force derived from the habit perity and greatness; where either of these conditions of command, may help to prevent the degeneracy of is wanting, degeneracy and barbarism. The former however is equally essential in all climates and under The task of keeping down insurrection is commonly all institutions. And can we suppose it to be the supposed, by those who are strangers to our institutions, design of the Creator, that these regions, constituting to be a very formidable one. Even among ourselves, half of the earth's surface, and the more fertile half, and accustomed as we have been to take our opinions on more capable of sustaining life, should be abandoned this as on every other subject, ready formed from those forever to depopulation and barbarism? Certain it is whom we regarded as instructors, in the teeth of our that they will never be reclaimed by the labor of free-own observation and experience; fears have been enmen. In our own country, look at the lower valley of the Mississippi, which is capable of being made a far greater Egypt. In our own State, there are extensive tracts of the most fertile soil, which are capable of being made to swarm with life. These are at present pestilential swamps, and valueless, because there is abundance of other fertile soil in more favorable situa

*I do not use the word democracy in the Athenian sense, but to describe the government in which the slave and his master have an equal voice in public affairs.

the master.

tertained which are absolutely ludicrous. We have been supposed to be nightly reposing over a mine, which may at any instant explode to our destruction. The first thought of a foreigner sojourning in one of our cities, who is awakened by any nightly alarm, is of servile insurrection and massacre. Yet if any thing is certain in human affairs, it is certain and from the most obvious considerations, that we are more secure in this

respect than any civilized and fully peopled society upon the face of the earth. In every such society,

there is a much larger proportion than with us, of per- especially when unfavorably distinguished by outward sons who have more to gain than to lose by the over-circumstances, is not ready to give credit when he is throw of government, and the embroiling of social told that he is the victim of injustice and oppression? order. It is in such a state of things that those who were before at the bottom of society, rise to the surface. From causes already considered, they are peculiarly apt to consider their sufferings the result of injustice and misgovernment, and to be rancorous and embittered accordingly. They have every excitement therefore of resentful passion, and every temptation which the hope of increased opulence, or power or consideration can hold out, to urge them to innovation and revolt. Supposing the same disposition to exist in equal degree among our slaves, what are their comparative means or prospect of gratifying it? The poor of other countries are called free. They have, at least, no one interested to exercise a daily and nightly superintendence and control over their conduct and actions. Emissaries of their class may traverse, unchecked, every portion of the country, for the purpose of organizing insurrection. From their greater intelligence, they have greater means of communicating with each other. They may procure and secrete arms. It is not alone the ignorant, or those who are commonly called the poor, that will be tempted to revolution. There will be many disappointed men, and men of desperate fortune-men perhaps of talent and daring-to combine with them and direct their energies. Even those in the higher ranks of society, who contemplate no such result, will contribute to it, by declaiming on their hardships and rights.

With us, it is almost physically impossible, that there should be any very extensive combination among the slaves. It is absolutely impossible that they should procure and conceal efficient arms. Their emissaries traversing the country, would carry their commission on their foreheads. If we suppose among them an individual of sufficient talent and energy to qualify him for a revolutionary leader, he could not be so extensively known as to command the confidence, which would be necessary to enable him to combine and direct them. Of the class of freemen, there would be no individual so poor or degraded (with the exception perhaps of here and there a reckless and desperate outlaw and felon) who would not have much to lose by the success of such an attempt; every one therefore would be vigilant and active to detect and suppress it. Of all impossible things, one of the most impossible would be a successful insurrection of our slaves, originating with themselves.

In effect, if not in terms, they have been continually exhorted to insurrection. The master has been painted a criminal, tyrant and robber, justly obnoxious to the vengeance of God and man, and they have been assured of the countenance and sympathy, if not of the active assistance of all the rest of the world. We ourselves have in some measure pleaded guilty to the impeachment. It is not long since a great majority of our free population, servile to the opinions of those whose opinions they had been accustomed to follow, would have admitted slavery to be a great evil, unjust and indefensible in principle, and only to be vindicated by the stern necessity which was imposed upon us. Thus stimulated by every motive and passion which ordinarily actuate human beings-not as to a criminal enterprise, but as to something generous and heroicwhat has been the result? A few imbecile and uncombined plots-in every instance detected before they broke out into action, and which perhaps if undetected would never have broken into action. One or two sudden, unpremeditated attempts, frantic in their character, if not prompted by actual insanity, and these instantly crushed. As it is, we are not less assured of safety, order and internal peace, than any other people; and but for the pertinacious and fanatical agitation of the subject, would be much more so.

This experience of security, however, should admonish us of the folly and wickedness of those who have sometimes taken upon themselves to supersede the regular course of law, and by rash and violent acts to punish supposed disturbers of the peace of society. This can admit of no justification or palliation what ever. Burke I think somewhere remarks something to this effect,-that when society is in the last stage of depravity—when all parties are alike corrupt, and alike wicked and unjustifiable in their measures and objects, a good man may content himself with standing neuter, a sad and disheartened spectator of the conflict between the rival vices. But are we in this wretched condition? It is fearful to see with what avidity the worst and most dangerous characters of society seize on the occasion of obtaining the countenance of better men, for the pur pose of throwing off the restraints of the law. It is always these who are most zealous and forward in constituting themselves the protectors of the public peace. To such men-men without reputation or prin Attempts at insurrection have indeed been made-ciple, or stake in society-disorder is the natural eleexcited, as we believe, by the agitation of the abolitionists and declaimers on slavery; but these have been in every instance promptly suppressed. We fear not to compare the riots, disorder, revolt and bloodshed which have been committed in our own, with those of any other civilized communities, during the same lapse of time. And let it be observed under what extraordinary circumstances our peace has been preserved. For the last half century, one half of our population has been admonished in terms the most calculated to madden and excite, that they are the victims of the most grinding and cruel injustice and oppression. We know that these exhortations continually reach them, through a thousand channels which we cannot detect, as if carried by the birds of the air-and what human being,

ment. In that, desperate fortunes and the want of all moral principle and moral feeling constitute power. They are eager to avenge themselves upon society. Anarchy is not so much the absence of government as the government of the worst-not aristocracy but kakistocracy—a state of things, which to the honor of our nature, has seldom obtained amongst men, and which perhaps was only fully exemplified during the worst times of the French revolution, when that horrid hell burnt with its most lurid flame. In such a state of things, to be accused is to be condemned-to protect the innocent is to be guilty; and what perhaps is the worst effect, even men of better nature, to whom their own deeds are abhorrent, are goaded by terror to be forward and emulous in deeds of guilt and violence.

expect to have a greater proportion of men better qualified for officers, and possessing the true spirit of military command? And let it be recollected that if there were otherwise reason to apprehend danger from insurrection, there will be the greatest security when there is the largest force on foot within the country. Then it is that any such attempt would be most instantly and effectually crushed.

The scenes of lawless violence which have been acted intelligence, and trained by an effective, though honorin some portions of our country, rare and restricted as able discipline, such an army will be more than a match they have been, have done more to tarnish its reputation for mercenaries? The efficiency of an army is deterthan a thousand libels. They have done more to dis-mined by the qualities of its officers, and may we not credit, and if any thing could, to endanger, not only our domestic, but our republican institutions, than the abolitionists themselves. Men can never be permanently and effectually disgraced but by themselves, and rarely endangered but by their own injudicious conduct, giving advantage to the enemy. Better, far better, would it be to encounter the dangers with which we are supposed to be threatened, than to employ such means for averting them. But the truth is, that in relation to this matter, so far as respects actual insurrec tion, when alarm is once excited, danger is absolutely at an end. Society can then employ legitimate and more effectual measures for its own protection. The very commission of such deeds, is proof that they are unnecessary. Let those who attempt them then, or make any demonstration towards them, understand that they will meet only the discountenance and abhorrence of all good men, and the just punishment of the laws they have dared to outrage.

It has commonly been supposed, that this institution will prove a source of weakness in relation to military defence against a foreign enemy. I will venture to say that in a slave holding community, a larger military force may be maintained permanently in the field, than in any State where there are not slaves. It is plain that almost the whole of the able bodied free male population, making half of the entire able bodied male population, may be maintained in the field, and this without taking in any material degree from the labor and resources of the country. In general the labor of our country is performed by slaves. In other countries, it is their laborers that form the material of their armies. What proportion of these can be taken away without fatally crippling their industry and resources? In the war of the revolution, though the strength of our State was wasted and paralyzed by the unfortunate divisions which existed among ourselves, yet it may be said with general truth, that every citizen was in the field and acquired much of the qualities of the soldier.

It is true that this advantage will be attended with its compensating evils and disadvantages; to which we must learn to submit, if we are determined on the maintenance of our institutions. We are, as yet, hardly at all aware how little the maxims and practices of modern civilized governments will apply to us. Standing armies, as they are elsewhere constituted, we cannot have; for we have not, and for generations cannot have, the materials out of which they are to be formed. If we should be involved in serious wars, I have no doubt but that some sort of conscription, requiring the services of all citizens for a considerable term, will be necessary. Like the people of Athens, it will be necessary that every citizen should be a soldier, and qualified to discharge efficiently the duties of a soldier. It may seem a melancholy consideration, that an army so made up should be opposed to the disciplined mercenaries of foreign nations. But we must learn to know our true situation. But may we not hope, that made up of superior materials, of men having home and country to defend; inspired by higher pride of character, of greater

And perhaps a wise foresight should induce our State to provide, that it should have within itself such military knowledge and skill as may be sufficient to organize, discipline and command armies, by establishing a military academy or school of discipline. The school of the militia will not do for this. From the general opinion of our weakness, if our country should at any time come into hostile collision, we shall be selected for the point of attack; making us, according to Mr. Adams' anticipation, the Flanders of the United States. Come from what quarter it may, the storm will fall upon us. It is known that lately when there was apprehension of hostility with France, the scheme was instantly devised of invading the southern States and organizing insurrection. In a popular English periodical work, I have seen the plan suggested by an officer of high rank and reputation in the British army, of invading the southern States at various points and operating by the same means. He is said to be a gallant officer, and certainly had no conception that he was devising atrocious crime, as alien to the true spirit of civilized warfare, as the poisoning of streams and fountains. But the folly of such schemes is no less evident than their wickedness. Apart from the consideration of that which experience has most fully proved to be true-that in general their attachment and fidelity to their masters is not to be shaken, and that from sympathy with the feelings of those by whom they are surrounded, and from whom they derive their impressions, they contract no less terror and aversion towards an invading enemy; it is manifest that this resource would be an hundred fold more available to us than to such an enemy. They are already in our possession, and we might at will arm and organize them in any number that we might think proper. The Helots were a regular constituent part of the Spartan armies. Thoroughly acquainted with their characters and accustomed to command them, we might use any strictness of discipline which would be necessary to render them effective, and from their habits of subordination already formed, this would be a task of less difficulty. Though morally most timid, they are by no means wanting in physical strength of nerve. They are excitable by praise; and, directed by those in whom they have confidence, would rush fearlessly and unquestioning upon any sort of danger. With white officers and accompanied by a strong white cavalry, there are no troops in the world from whom there would be so little reason to apprehend insubordination or mutiny.

This I admit might be a dangerous resource, and one not to be resorted to but in great extremity. But I am supposing the case of our being driven to extremity. It might be dangerous to disband such an army, and reduce them with the habits of soldiers, to their former

condition of laborers. It might be found necessary, | ously true, that he has the means of obtaining those when once embodied to keep them so, and subject to advantages; but I say nothing to palliate or excuse the military discipline—a permanent standing army. This conduct of him, who having such means neglects to in time of peace would be expensive, if not dangerous. avail himself of them. Or if at any time we should be engaged in hostilities with our neighbors, and it were thought advisable to send such an army abroad to conquer settlements for themselves, the invaded regions might have occasion to think that the scourge of God was again let loose to afflict the earth.

President Dew has very fully shown how utterly vain are the fears of those, who though there may be no danger for the present, yet apprehend great danger for the future, when the number of slaves shall be greatly increased. He has shown that the larger and more condensed the society becomes, the easier it will be to maintain subordination, supposing the relative numbers of the different classes to remain the same-or even if there should be a very disproportionate increase of the enslaved class. Of all vain things, the vainest and that in which man most shows his impotence and folly, is the taking upon himself to provide for a very distant future at all events by any material sacrifice of the present. Though experience has shown that revolutions and political movements-unless when they have been conducted with the most guarded caution and moderation-have generally terminated in results just the opposite of what was expected from them: the angry ape will still play his fantastic tricks, and put in motion machinery, the action of which he no more comprehends or foresees than he comprehends the mysteries of infinity. The insect that is borne upon the current, will fancy that he directs its course. Besides the fear of insurrection and servile war, there is also alarm lest when their numbers shall be greatly increased, their labor will become utterly unprofitable, so that it will be equally difficult for the master to retain and support them, or to get rid of them. But at what age of the world is this likely to happen? At present, it may be said that almost the whole of the southern portion of this continent is to be subdued to cultivation; and in the order of Providence, this is the task allotted to them. For this purpose, more labor will be required for generations to come than they will be able to supply. When that task is accomplished, there will be many objects to which their labor may be directed.

I believe it to be true, that in consequence of our dispersion, though individual wealth is acquired, the face of the country is less adorned and improved by useful and ornamental public works, than in other societies of more condensed population, where there is less wealth. But this is an effect of that, which constitutes perhaps our most conspicuous advantage. Where population is condensed, they must have the evils of condensed population, and among these is the difficulty of finding profitable employment for capital. He who has accumulated even an inconsiderable sum, is often puzzled to know what use to make of it. Ingenuity is therefore tasked to cast about for every enterprise which may af ford a chance of profitable investment. Works useful and ornamental to the country, are thus undertaken and accomplished, and though the proprietors may fail of profit, the community no less receives the benefit. Among us, there is no such difficulty. A safe and profitable method of investment is offered to every one who has capital to dispose of, which is further recommended to his feelings by the sense of independence and the comparative leisure, which the employment affords to the proprietor engaged in it. It is for this reason that few of our citizens engage in the pursuits of commerce. Though these may be more profitable, they are also more hazardous and more laborious.

When the demand for agricultural labor shall be fully supplied, then of course the labor of slaves will be directed to other employments and enterprises. Already it begins to be found, that in some instances it may be used as profitably in works of public improvement. As it becomes cheaper and cheaper, it will be applied to more various purposes and combined in larger masses. It may be commanded and combined with more facility than any other sort of labor; and the laborer, kept in stricter subordination, will be less dangerous to the security of society than in any other country, which is crowded and overstocked with a class of what are called free laborers. Let it be remembered that all the great and enduring monuments of human art and industry-the wonders of Egypt-the everlasting works of Rome-were created by the labor of slaves. There will come a stage in our progress when we shall have facilities for executing works as great as any of thesemore useful than the pyramids-not less magnificent than the sea of Meveris. What the end of all is to be; what mutations lie hid in the womb of the distant foture; to what convulsions our societies may be exposed-whether the master, finding it impossible to live with his slaves, may not be compelled to abandon the country to them-of all this it were presumptuous and vain to speculate.

At present they are employed in accumulating individual wealth, and this in one way, to wit, as agricultural laborers-and this is perhaps the most useful purpose to which their labor can be applied. The effect of slavery has not been to counteract the tendency to dispersion, which seems epidemical among our countrymen, invited by the unbounded extent of fertile and unexhausted soil, though it counteracts many of the evils of dispersion. All the customary trades, professions and employments, except the agricultural, require a condensed population for their profitable exercise. I have hitherto, as I proposed, considered it as a The agriculturist who can command no labor but that naked, abstract question of the comparative good and of his own hands or that of his family, must remain evil of the institution of slavery. Very far different incomparatively poor and rude. He who acquires wealth deed is the practical question presented to us, when it by the labor of slaves, has the means of improvement is proposed to get rid of an institution which has interfor himself and his children. He may have a more ex-woven itself with every fibre of the body politic; which tended intercourse, and consequently means of informa- has formed the habits of our society, and is consecrated tion and refinement, and may seek education for his by the usage of generations. If this be not a vicious children where it may be found. I say, what is obvi- prescription, which the laws of God forbid to ripen into

And what would be the effect of putting an end to the cultivation of these staples, and thus annihilating at a blow, two-thirds or three-fourths of our foreign commerce? Can any sane mind contemplate such a result

right, it has a just claim to be respected by all tribunals is required at one season of the year than at another, of man. If the negroes were now free and it were pro-and the farmer may enlarge or diminish the quantity of posed to enslave them, then it would be incumbent on labor he employs, as circumstances may require. Here, those who proposed the measure, to show clearly that about the same quantity of labor is required at every their liberty was incompatible with the public security. season, and the planter suffers no inconvenience from When it is proposed to innovate on the established state retaining his laborers throughout the year. Imagine an of things, the burden is on those who propose the inno- extensive rice or cotton plantation cultivated by free vation, to show that advantage will be gained from it. laborers, who might perhaps strike for an increase of There is no reform, however necessary, wholesome or wages, at a season when the neglect of a few days moderate, which will not be accompanied with some would insure the destruction of the whole crop. Even degree of inconvenience, risque or suffering. Those if it were possible to procure laborers at all, what planwho acquiesce in the state of things which they found ter would venture to carry on his operations under existing, can hardly be thought criminal. But most such circumstances? I need hardly say that these stadeeply criminal are they, who give rise to the enormous ples cannot be produced to any extent, where the proevil with which great revolutions in society are always prietor of the soil cultivates it with his own hands. He attended, without the fullest assurance of the greater can do little more than produce the necessary food for good to be ultimately obtained. But if it can be made himself and his family. to appear, even probably, that no good will be obtained, but that the results will be evil and calamitous as the process, what can justify such innovations? No human being can be so mischievous-if acting consciously, none can be so wicked-as those who finding evil in ex-without terror? I speak not of the utter poverty and isting institutions, rush blindly upon change, unforesee- misery to which we ourselves would be reduced, and ing and reckless of consequences, and leaving it to the desolation which would overspread our own portion chance or fate to determine whether the end shall be of the country. Our slavery has not only given existence improvement, or greater and more intolerable evil. to millions of slaves within our own territories; it has Certainly the instincts of nature prompt us to resist given the means of subsistence and therefore existence intolerable oppression. For this resistance no rule can to millions of freemen in our confederate States, enabling be prescribed, but it must be left to the instincts of them to send forth their swarms, to overspread the plains nature. To justify it, however, the insurrectionists and forests of the west, and appear as the harbingers should at least have a reasonable probability of success, of civilization. The products of the industry of those and be assured that their condition will be improved by States, are, in general, similiar to those of the rest success. But most extraordinary is it, when those who of the civilized world, and are little demanded in their complain and clamor, are not those who are supposed to markets. By exchanging them for ours, which are feel the oppression, but persons at a distance from them, every where sought for, the people of these States and who can hardly at all appreciate the good or evil of are enabled to acquire all the products of art and industheir situation. It is the unalterable condition of hu-try, all that contributes to convenience or luxury, or manity, that men must achieve civil liberty for them gratifies the taste or the intellect, which the rest of the selves. The assistance of allies has sometimes ena-world can supply. Not only on our own continent, but bled nations to repel the attacks of foreign power; never to conquer liberty as against their own internal government.

In one thing I concur with the abolitionists; that if emancipation is to be brought about, it is better that it should be immediate and total. But let us suppose it to be brought about in any manner, and then inquire what would be the effects.

on the other, they have given existence to hundreds of thousands, and the means of comfortable subsistence to millions. A distinguished citizen of our own State, than whom none can be better qualified to form an opinion, has lately stated that our great staple, cotton, has contributed more than any thing else of later times to the progress of civilization. By enabling the poor to obtain cheap and becoming clothing, it has inspired a taste for comfort, the first stimulus to civilization. Does not self defence then demand of us, steadily to resist the abrogation of that which is productive of so much good? It is more than self defence. It is to defend millions of human beings, who are far removed from us, from the intensest suffering, if not from being struck out of existence. It is the defence of human civilization.

The first and most obvious effect, would be to put an end to the cultivation of our great southern staples. And this would be equally the result, if we suppose the emancipated negroes to be in no way distinguished from the free laborers of other countries, and that their labor would be equally effective. In that case, they would soon cease to be laborers for hire, but would scatter themselves over our unbounded territory, to But this is but a small part of the evil which would become independent land owners themselves. The be occasioned. After President Dew, it is unnecessary cultivation of the soil on an extensive scale, can only to say a single word on the practicability of colonizing be carried on where there are slaves, or in countries superabounding with free labor. No such operations are carried on in any portions of our own country where there are not slaves. Such are carried on in England, where there is an overflowing population and intense competition for employment. And our institutions seem suited to the exigencies of our respective situations. There, a much greater number of laborers

our slaves. The two races, so widely separated from each other by the impress of nature, must remain together in the same country. Whether it be accounted the result of prejudice or reason, it is certain that the two races will not be blended together, so as to form a homogeneous population. To one who knows any thing of the nature of man and human society, it would be unnecessary to argue that this state of things cannot VOL. IV-80