following extract from Washington's letter to Lee, of
the 20th October:
"Dear Sir,

every mark of a good one. I therefore agree to the promised rewards; and have such entire confidence in your management of the business, as to give it my fullest approbation, and leave the whole to the guidance of your own judgment, with this express stipulation and pointed injunction, that he (Ad) is to be brought to me alive.

front." Lee repaired at once to head quarters, when | confession shortened his trial; and ere the sergeant the Commander-in-chief requested him to select a suit- could consummate arrangements for bringing off Arable person to undertake a highly dangerous enterprise, nold, much to the chagrin of the generous soldier, who which he (Washington) had conceived. His confiden- was himself risking a gibbet in order to save the British tial agents in New York had informed him that "many officer from the same disgraceful end, Andre was exeof his officers, and especially a Major-general named to cuted. But notwithstanding this unfortunate intervenhim, were connected with Arnold." His plan, there- tion, Champe was directed to persevere, and still bring fore, was to engage some person of tried courage, in-off Arnold if possible. This will be seen from the trepid daring, persevering industry, and acute perception; who, with all these qualities, should possess a patriotism so elevated, that he would, if the case should require it, and, at all events, for a time, sacrifice his "The plan proposed for taking A-d, (the outprivate reputation for the good of his country. Champe lines of which are communicated in your letter, which was at once named by Lee, who at the same time ex-was this moment put into my hands without date,) has pressed his doubts whether his sergeant-major's keen and high sense of honor would allow him to take the first step in the proposed plan, which was desertion: but after listening to a minute description, not only of the character, but the manners, appearance, place of birth, &c. of Champe, Washington, with his usual penetration, exclaimed, "He is the very man for my purpose," and determined that Lee should use his utmost efforts to induce him to attempt the enterprise. Lee immediately returned to his quarters; and in his Memoirs feelingly describes the dialogue that ensued between himself and the ardent but repugnant Champe. From this it appears that the design of Washington, "by getting Arnold, to save Andre," had more weight with the generous Virginian than any other. But even this could not induce him to forego his reputation, and the strong desire he felt for promotion-of which desertion would deprive him. At length, Lee informed him that since he declined the offer of obliging the Commander-in-chief personally, as well as of greatly serving his country at large, he would inform Washington that the proffered honor must be transferred to some other corps, as there was not spirit enough in the Legion to furnish him with a man willing to risk its consequences. "The esprit du corps," observes Lee, "could not be resisted: united to his inclination, it subdued his prejudices:" and the nobleminded soldier departed the same night.

"No circumstance whatever shall obtain my consent to his being put to death. The idea which would accompany such an event, would be, that ruffians had been hired to assassinate him. My aim is to make a public example of him: and this should be strongly impressed upon those who are employed to bring him off. The sergeant must be very circumspect: too much zeal may create suspicion, and too much precipitancy may defeat the project. The most inviolable secrecy must be observed on all hands."

The night for the execution of Champe's plan of seizing Arnold was soon appointed. He and one of Washington's secret agents were to seize and gag the traitor; and placing themselves, each under one of his shoulders, carry him through the most unfrequented streets and alleys to a boat waiting to receive them. If questioned, they were to answer that he was a drunken soldier, whom they were conveying to the guardhouse. In the meantime, Lee, having been informed of this, spent the night at Hoboken, with a few of his trusty followers, and provided with three extra horses,

How well he executed the arduous duty he had un-one each for Champe, his comrade, and Arnold. dertaken, may be inferred from the first sentence of a letter from Washington to Lee-Oct. 13th, 1780: "I am very glad," he says, "your letter of this date has given evidence to my conviction of the innocence of the gentleman" (the nameless Major-general) "who was the subject of your inquiry."

Lee was disappointed; for the day dawned and no boat was descried upon the waters of the Hudson answering the description of that in which Champe was to arrive. "He was chagrined," he says, issue, and apprehended that his faithful sergeant must have been detected in the last scene of his tedious and

at the

The same letter directs Lee to meet the Commander-difficult enterprise." But he was obliged to keep his in-chief the next day, at the Marquis's quarters, when Champe's communications were closely examined by them, "and the distrust heretofore entertained of the accused forever dismissed."

Having thus satisfactorily executed one part of his business, the sergeant set himself to work fully to achieve the rest; and in connection with an agent of Washington's in the city, soon laid a plan for his capture. The agent was a different person from him who had assisted in tracing the authenticity of the aspersions cast upon the Major-general above mentioned; and so deep was the secrecy deemed requisite by Washington, that Champe was ordered not to let either of these two men know that the other was in his confidence.

Unfortunately, Andre's imprudent but high-minded

disappointment to himself; for so strict was the secrecy of the whole affair, that not one of his followers knew why their commander conducted them to Hoboken, or for whose use they led the three extra horses.

Another extract from his "Memoirs," will suffice to end this article.

"In a few days, Lee received an anonymous letter from Champe's patron and friend, informing him that on that day previous to the night fixed for the execution of the plot, Arnold had removed his quarters to another part of the town, to superintend the embarkation of troops, preparing (as was rumored) for an expedition to be directed by himself; and that the American Legion, consisting chiefly of deserters, had been transferred from their barracks to one of the transports; it

have we seen the best characteristics of the illustrious Roman half so well displayed, as in the "Middle Ages." The same burning yet well tempered love of liberty; the same hatred of tyranny and injustice; the same vein of sage remark, developing in a single sen

being apprehended that if left on shore until the expedition was ready, many of them might desert. Thus it happened that John Champe, instead of crossing the Hudson that night, was safely deposited on board one of the fleet of transports, from whence he never departed until the troops under Arnold landed in Vir-tence, momentous political truth; the same power of ginia! Nor was he able to escape from the British army until after the junction of Lord Cornwallis at Petersburg, when he deserted; and proceeding high up into Virginia, he passed into North Carolina near the Saura towns, and keeping in the friendly districts of that state, safely joined the army soon after it had passed the Congaree in pursuit of Lord Rawdon.

"His appearance excited extreme surprise among his former comrades, which was not a little increased when they saw the cordial reception he met with from Lieutenant Colonel Lee. His whole story soon became known to the corps, which reproduced the love and respect of officer and soldier, heightened by universal admiration of his daring and arduous attempt.

sarcasm, conveyed usually in the very words which carry forward the narrative; the same condensed and forcible brevity of recital. Oftener than in Tacitus, or in Hume, there occur in Hallam passages of eminent rhetorical beauty; much resembling those occasional observations, at once elegant and profound, in which Burke abounds. But they are neither frequent nor long enough, to violate the becoming chastity of historical composition. Far from being excrescent ornaments, which lead off the reader's mind from the facts detailed, or suggest a doubt concerning the truth of a story so embellished, they enliven and rivet his attention, by illustrating the subject; and interrupt not, for a moment, the course of the narration. The work takes a "Champe was introduced to General Greene, who wide range. It gives the History of France-Italycheerfully complied with the promises made by the Spain-Germany-the Greek Empire and the SaraCommander-in-chief, as far as in his power; and having | cens-Ecclesiastical Power-the Feudal System-the provided the sergeant with a good horse, and money for his journey, sent him to General Washington, who munificently anticipated every desire of the sergeant, and presented him with a discharge from further service, lest he might in the vicissitudes of war, fall into the enemy's hands; when, if recognized, he was sure to die on a gibbet.

"When General Washington was called by Presi dent Adams to the command of the army, prepared to defend the country from French hostility, he sent to Lieutenant Colonel Lee to inquire for Champe: being determined to bring him into the field at the head of a company of infantry.

"Lee sent to Loudoun county, where Champe settled after his discharge from the army; and learned that the gallant soldier had removed to Kentucky, and had soon after died."

HALLAM'S MIDDLE AGES.*

English Constitution--and the State of Society in Europe-during the Middle Ages; that is, for about eight or nine centuries. The manner in which it groups and details the multitude of facts comprised in this great outline, is lucid and happy. With equal judgment are the instructive or important selected, and the trivial or useless passed in silence.

But it is above all as the enlightened friend of liberty, that Mr. Hallam deserves the esteem of American readers. Some extracts we propose making, will evince this, and also the Tacitus-like pith and pungency we have ascribed to him. The italics and small capitals

are ours.

EXTRACTS.

'A generous disdain of one man's will, is to republican governments what chastity is to women; a conservative principle, never to be reasoned upon, or subjected to calculations of utility.'

Rienzi's 'character was not unusual among literary politicians; a combination of knowledge, eloquence, and enthusiasm for ideal excellence, with vanity, inexperience of mankind, unsteadiness, and physical timidity.'

'The most deadly hatred, is that which men exasperated by proscription and forfeiture bear to their country.'

It is surprising, that this work is not more admired, and more read, than it seems to be. It is surpassed, nay, equalled by no historical production in the English language, since the times of the great British three, On the triumphant return of Cosmo de' Medici, in of the last century. Indeed, several merits tempt us 1434, from the exile into which the opposite faction of strongly, to place it above even their works. It is more Albizi had driven him, Hallam remarks,—'It is in vain candid than Hume; more simply and pointedly sento expect that a victorious faction will scruple to retentious than Robertson; more clear, and infinitely less taliate upon its enemies a still greater measure of inpompous, than Gibbon. Nothing can be more striking, justice than it experienced at their hands. The vanthan the contrast between Hallam's distinct, straight-quished have no rights in the eye of their conquerors. forward statements, and shrewd, concise, often pungent remarks,—and (Gibbon's elaborately swollen and balanced periods, that after thrice reading, leave it still doubtful what fact he tells, or what opinion he expresses.) If it had not become vulgar to compare historians to Tacitus (Dr. Ramsay has been called "The Tacitus of America"), we should say, that no where

View of the State of Europe during the Middle Ages. By Henry Hallam, Esq. 2 vols. 8vo.

The sword of returning exiles, flushed by victory and incensed by suffering, falls successively upon their enemies, upon those whom they suspect of being their enemies, and upon those who may hereafter become such.'

Consi

(Policy of employing Foreign Mercenaries.) dered with reference to economy, almost any taxes must be a cheap commutation for personal service. But economy may be regarded too exclusively; and can

never counterbalance that degradation of national says Hallam, 'as we find in the history of all usurping character, which proceeds from intrusting the public governments, time changes anomaly into system, and indefence to foreigners.'

'Historians have in general more indulgence for splendid crimes, than for the weaknesses of virtue.' 'None of Charlemagne's wars can be compared with the Saracenic history of Charles Martel: but this was a contest for freedom; those for conquest; and fame is more partial to successful aggression than to patriotic resistance.'

|jury into right: examples beget custom, and custom ripens into law; and the doubtful precedent of one generation becomes the fundamental maxim of another.' So far had this natural progress taken place, that in England, under Henry III., the 'Church seems to have been so richly endowed only as the free pasture of Italian priests; who were placed, by the mandatory letters of Gregory IX. and Innocent IV., in all the best benefices.' In the unswerving 'probity, strictness of conscience, Utility of Party Names. About A. D. 1200, the two and benevolence, of Louis IX. (St. Louis), he found all leading parties which had divided the cities of Lomthe effects of far-sighted policy. But it is the privi-bardy, and whose mutual animosity, having no general lege only of virtuous minds, to perceive what wisdom subject of contention, required the association of a dwells in moderate counsels. No sagacity ever taught | name to direct as well as invigorate its prejudices, bea selfish and ambitious sovereign to forego the sweet-came distinguished by the celebrated appellations of ness of immediate power.'

Hint to Historical Students. Intestine tumults, &c. 'are among the eternal lessons of History: for the unjust encroachments of courts, the intemperate passions of the multitude, the ambition of demagogues, the cruelty of victorious factions, will never cease to have their parallels and their analogies; while the military achievements of distant times afford, in general, no instruction; and can hardly occupy too little of our time in historical studies.' Note.

GUELFS and GHIBELINS.' ***Terms of this description *** are always acceptable to mankind; and have the peculiar advantage of precluding altogether that spirit of compromise and accommodation, by which it is sometimes endeavored to obstruct their tendency to hate and injure each other.'

'There is in general room enough for skepticism as to the characters of men, who are only known to us through their enemies. History is full of calumnies that can never be effaced. But I really see no ground for thinking charitably of Peter the Cruel.' Note. 'The Arabian monarchs of Cordova found in their success and imagined security, a pretext for indolence: while, according to the nature of despotism, the fruits of wisdom or bravery in one generation were lost in the follies and effeminacy of the next.'

Hint to Statesmen. It is difficult to name a limit beyond which taxes will not be borne without impatience, when they appear to be called for by necessity, and faithfully applied: nor is it impracticable for a skilful | minister to deceive the people in both these respects. But the sting of taxation is wastefulness. What high spirited man could see without indignation the earnings of his labor, yielded ungrudgingly to the public defence, become the spoil of peculators and parasites? It is this, that mortifies the liberal hand of public spirit; and those statesmen, who deem the security of government to depend not on laws and armies, but on the moral sympathies and prejudices of the people, will vigilantly guard against even the suspicion of prodi-But there was energy and courage about Alvaro de gality.'

'The very virtues which a state of hostility excites, are not proof against its long continuance; and sink at last into brutal fierceness.'

'Alvaro de Luna, the favorite of John II. [king of Castile], retained for 35 years an absolute control over his feeble master. The adverse faction naturally ascribed to this powerful minister every criminal intention and all public mischiefs. He was certainly not more scrupulous than the generality of statesmen; and appears to have been rapacious in accumulating wealth.

Luna, which distinguished him from the cowardly sycophants who usually rise by the favor of weak princes: and Castile probably would not have been happier, under the administration of his enemies.'

into contempt.'

A vindication of Republics. In a superficial review 'John II. did not long survive his minister; dying of history, we are sometimes apt to exaggerate the in 1454, after a reign that may be considered as inglovices of free states, and to lose sight of those inherent rious, compared with any except that of his successor. in tyrannical power. The bold censoriousness of Re-If the father was not respected, the son fell completely publican historians, and the cautious servility of writers under a despotism, conspire to mislead us as to the relative prosperity of nations. Acts of courage and tumultuous excesses in a free state, are blazoned in minute detail, and descend to posterity: the deeds of tyranny are studiously and perpetually suppressed. Even those historians who have no particular motives for concealment, turn away from the monotonous and disgusting crimes of tyrants.'

The way dangerous Precedents arise. [The Pope at first claimed no right to appoint to church benefices. Adrian IV. began, by requesting some bishops to confer the first vacancy on a particular clerk. Recommendations like this (called Mandats) became more and more frequent, and were usually followed, through respect for the holy See: even Innocent III. the most ambitious of pontiffs, regarded it only as a courtesy.] 'But,'

Of JOHN HUNNIADES, the Hungarian patriot, who 'frequently defeated, but unconquered in defeat, stood in the breach for twelve years against the Turkish power,' and to whom the regency was confided during the king's minority,-Hallam says, 'He surrendered to young Ladislaus a trust that he had exercised with perfect fidelity: but his merit was too great to be forgiven; and the court never treated him with cordiality. [Does not this irony rival that of Tacitus, where he says, the father of Agricola was 'studio eloquentiæ sapientiæque notus, iisque virtutibus iram Caii Cæsaris [Caligulæ] meritus ?']

We have marked many more specimens, of equal truth, pointedness, and force: but to extract them all, would extend unduly what was designed to be a very short article. From scarcely any other historian, nor

And set to music by C. E. Horn, as an answer to Beethoven's engaged in a conspiracy, she is strangled by his order: