were condemned as highly illegal and oppressive; the | the fort a much safer position for his head-quarters than inhabitants of Massachusetts province were applauded the palace at Newbern. In this retreat he was vigofor distinguishing themselves in a "manly support of the rights of America in general ;" and resolutions proposing to carry into execution any general plan of commercial restrictions agreed to in the continental Congress were adopted. It was further resolved, that William Hooper, Joseph Hewes, and Richard Caswell, be appointed deputies to attend the General Congress, to be held in Philadelphia on the 20th of September following; and to be "invested with such powers, as may make any act done by them obligatory in honor upon every inhabitant of the province, who is not an alien to his country's good, and an apostate to the liberties of America." The second provincial Congress convened in Newbern on the 3rd of April, 1775, under the same regulations as its predecessor. In this instance, the Governor, as usual, issued his proclamation, forbidding "such meetings, cabals, and illegal proceedings." The provincial assembly likewise met in Newbern on the following day, April 4th, consisting, with but few exceptions, of members to the provincial Congress. Here is presented the bold and imposing spectacle of a popular convention, assembling before the eyes of the Governor, and in defiance of his royal prerogative! The popular house of the assembly, after sitting only four days, and still assuming a more treasonable aspect in the view of his excellency, was dissolved by proclamation. This was the last assembly that ever convened under the royal government. The provincial Congress, however, proceeded to the despatch of business. Among other resolutions, the proceedings of the continental Congress lately held in Philadelphia, and the "faithful and judicious discharge of the important trust" reposed in their delegation to that body, were highly approved. rously pursued, and forced to remove his military stores, as well as the head-quarters of his government, on board "his Majesty's ship-of-war Cruiser." The flight of his excellency, from the palace at Newbern, on the 24th of April, 1775, may be marked as the closing scene of the royal government. "During the spring of this year, 1775, the attention of all the colonies was directed towards Boston, a town which seemed to be the object of the devoted vengeance of the ministry." Several detached meetings of the people of Mecklenburg were held during the spring, in which it was declared, "that the cause of Boston was the cause of all;" and "that their destinies were indissolubly connected with those of their eastern fellow-citizens." Out of this state of feeling grew the Mecklenburg Declaration of Independence. The convention which assembled in Charlotte on the 19th of May, 1775, and declared independence on the succeeding 20th, was convoked by Col. Thomas Polk, who afterwards performed the office of a herald, in proclaiming its proceedings, "to a large, respectable, and approving assemblage of citizens." "The subject of independence was discussed during the two days of its session, and was at last unanimously declared. The news of the battle of Lexington arrived by express during the session of the convention; and this intelligence inflaming the minds of the people, the universal voice was for independence." The flame thus kindled at Lexington continued to spread through the province with unabated fury. Associations were held in various parts of the state, in all of which, they solemnly engaged "to take up arms, and risk their lives and førtunes in maintaining the freedom of our country." The people everywhere felt as if they were now breathing the delightful atmosphere of a free government. ReAfter the dissolution of the assembly, the Governor conciliation was at an end. Truly then was it said by found himself surrounded by only a few of his most Mr. Jefferson, in his letter to Mr. Adams, “no state faithful councillors. The royal government was now was more forward or fixed." After Governor Martin tottering to its base, and signs of a fatal decay were was expelled from the province, and forced to take everywhere visible. In the meantime, the Governor, shelter on board his Majesty's ship-of-war Cruiser, finding it inexpedient to issue writs of election for a and whilst this declaration, by the citizens of Mecknew assembly, busily engaged himself in fortifying his lenburg, was still ringing unpleasantly in royal ears, he palace, and raising a military force. "The people of issued a lengthy proclamation-the last dying effort of Newbern watched, with much uneasiness, the range of fallen, but struggling authority. In this furious docucannon planted before the palace; and the committees ment, after reciting several "traitorous proceedings" of of the adjacent counties, by intercepting the emissaries the people, he uses the following language: "And, of the Governor, gave them intelligence of his efforts to whereas, I have also seen a most infamous publication raise a military body-guard. Governor Martin, on the in the Cape Fear Mercury, importing to be resolves of 16th of March, anticipating the present state of affairs, a set of people styling themselves a committee for the had written to General Gage, at Boston, soliciting a county of Mecklenburg, most traitorously declaring the supply of ammunition and arms; and by the vigilance entire dissolution of the laws, government and constituof the delegation in the continental Congress, this letter tion of this country, and setting up a system of rule too had been intercepted, and was now before the whig and regulation repugnant to the laws and subversive of authorities of Newbern. These hostile preparations his Majesty's government." This extract cannot be on the part of his excellency, provoked, on the 24th of viewed by the most skeptical inquirer as otherwise April, an open rupture between him and the people." than affording impartial and contemporaneous evidence. While the Governor and Council were in session in the Another high source of authority attesting the identity palace, some of the leading whigs seized and carried off of this declaration is to be found in the manuscript the artillery which had been planted for its defence." Journal of the War in the South," by the late Rev. "Governor Martin, apprehending further violence from the whig leaders, on the evening of the same day, fled from the palace; and, accompanied by a few of his most faithful councillors, retreated to fort Johnson on the banks of the Cape Fear." He did not, however, find Humphrey Hunter, who was an eyewitness of the proceedings of that day, and a soldier of the Revolution. This journal we saw before any extracts from it came before the public, and know it was expressly prepared to show to the world the part its author took in scenes which "tried men's souls," and to confirm and perpetuate this memorable declaration. In this "Journal" may be seen an account of the battle of Camden, and the most correct detail of the painful circumstances attending the fall and death of the brave Baron De Kalb. We deem it unnecessary to analyze particularly the various sources of evidence, any one of which justly merits respectful consideration. The certificate of Captain James Jack, who bore the declaration to Congress, then in session at Philadelphia; a letter from the late General Joseph Graham, a soldier of the Revolution, and covered with scars in its defence; the personal testimony of the late Colonel William Polk of Raleigh; and a letter from John Davidson, the last surviving signer, have all been adduced to confirm its adoption, and constitute a mass of high and indisputable testimony. Numerous events in our Revolutionary history, which have received the stamp of universal belief for more than half a century, cannot present a more formidable phalanx of irresistible proof. calculated to perpetuate its fame. On the succeeding 12th, a report was submitted, concluding with a resolution empowering their delegation in the continental Congress, to concur with the other colonies in declaring independence. These proceedings, it will be seen, preceded the recommendation of the Virginia convention on the same subject by more than a month, and is the first open and public declaration, by state authority, on record. This resolution was forwarded to the continental Congress, and presented to that body on the 27th of May, 1776. Although this illustrious movement reflects so much honor on the state, and corroborates the opinion that the people were fully ripe for independence, yet, it too, like the Mecklenburg declaration, was doomed to long and silent repose. Within a few years it has been observed among the state papers at Washington City, and has been properly noticed in Mr. Pitkin's able and useful work, the "Political and Civil History of the United States." Again, a serious charge has been advanced by Professor Tucker in his "Life of In the article above referred to, the serious inquiry Jefferson," where he says the compiler of the Mecklenhas been raised, "How is it possible that this paper, if it burg Declaration borrowed certain parallel phrases reached Congress, was concealed?" To this we answer from the National Declaration, and interpolated them in the language of the "Journal," just mentioned, that into that copy. This is a bold charge, but we think "on the return of Captain Jack, he reported that Con- neither plausible nor tenable. We entirely concur in gress, individually, manifested their entire approbation the following introductory remarks of the editor on the of the conduct of the Mecklenburg citizens, but deemed "Review" above quoted. "We do not adopt Professor it premature to lay them officially before the house." Tucker's theory, that the extant copy of the MecklenIn other words, the citizens of Mecklenburg, and of the burg Declaration is so far spurious, that the compiler of state generally, were more than one year in advance of it borrowed from Mr. Jefferson's draft these parallel the other colonies in a determination to declare indepen-phrases, and interpolated them into the Mecklenburg dence. At that period Congress had not arrived at copy. We are willing to admit the present Mecklensufficient maturity of opinion as to ensure unanimity of burg copy to be as it was at first written, and we action on a question so momentous, and on the deter-entirely dissent from Professor Tucker's account of the mination of which depended the destiny of the nation. changes and interpolations which he has assigned to There were many distinguished patriots who still that copy." There is one circumstance which ought to ardently entertained hopes of an amicable adjustment settle this matter to the satisfaction of the candid inquiof difficulties with the mother country; but in North rer, and bar all idea of interpolation. The MecklenCarolina pacific measures were out of the question-the burg Declaration of Independence as published, and now royal Governor was expelled from the province, and in the executive office of North Carolina, was preserved the people quietly living under a whig government! | by General Davie, a name of distinction and worth in Generality of opinion had already developed itself in Congress, but an approach to unanimity of opinion was necessary before an appeal to arms-the dernier resort of an injured people. It is then, in all probability, to the "premature" nature of this declaration, and its consequent informal reception by Congress, that we are to attribute the absence of any record of its presentation on the journals of that body. The question has been likewise asked, why it should remain unknown so long afterwards? To this we answer that few copies of such a paper would be prepared at first, and consequently, still fewer would escape the ravages of time. These, through the careless researches of historians, have remained concealed until within a few years past. A noble task still devolves on some future historian, of compiling from the musty records in the archives at Raleigh, and from other sources, public and private, a full and complete history of the state. To exemplify still farther the ignorance that has hitherto prevailed on the colonial history of the state, we will barely introduce an important transaction of the provincial Congress which convened in Halifax, April 4, 1776. In this Congress, the question of independence was moved, discussed and unanimously approved—a circumstance alone the south, and illustrious in the history of the state. A proper appreciation of this fact alone brings the Professor's charge, with all its improbability, to the ground. We think these" parallel phrases" may be accounted for in quite a different and far more charitable way. It is simply this: as the grievances of the colonies were of a common nature, resulting from a violation of their just rights, so would their sentiments naturally flow in equivalent, or similar language. Whoever will examine the numerous resolutions, speeches, letters, &c. on colonial affairs, will find many vivid thoughts-the glowing emanations of a patriotic and warm-hearted people, conveyed in nearly identical language. Even among the colonial papers which have lately come to light in North Carolina, this similarity, and sometimes identity of language, is perceptible for several years anterior to the adoption of the National Declaration. In the course of time many of these choice expressions-these "phrases of rhetorical excellence"--would be noted and remembered by every enthusiastic lover of liberty, and thus become interwoven into the proceedings of the times. Such we believe to be the "common fountain" to which such parallel expressions, in the two instruments, may be traced. We have now presented a brief outline of the train of Weave all his dreams, and riot in his groans:proceedings leading to the adoption of the Mecklen- The prisoner turns him on his lowly pallet, burg Declaration of Independence on the 20th of May, And the deep clanking of his dungeon chain 1775. If we have succeeded in imparting information, Goes up for witness to the bar of Heaven:invalidating objections, or removing prejudice from the He who deceived the heart of trusting Love, mind of any one on this subject, our humble, though And basely ruined, where he should protect, laudable, ambition, will be fully satisfied, and our limited Starts back, all trembling, at the pallid form exertions amply rewarded. Of the lost victim, beckoning him afar, And shrieks, and groans, and prays for Death-for Hell: MIDNIGHT. BY C. W. EVEREST. C. L. H. 'Tis Midnight all, the solemn noon of Night! And Earth's glad voices now are hushed and still, The city's hum has ceased: no more the sound He who hath trod dishonor's shameful path, Man resteth-for a moment's fleeting space! But the soon Morning's dawn shall call him forth, Again to mingle with the busy world! But for a little while-and man shall rest In Death's long slumber, in the grave's still night: And he shall wake no more on Earth again: But, at the last, the mighty Angel's trump Shall wake him from the midnight of the tomb, And call him up to judgment: There, in truth, Must he be judged for all his actions done; And, if he be accounted meet for such reward, Save the hoarse watchman's cry, "Past twelve o'clock!" Shall cease from all his labors and his cares, Man resteth from his labors: all his cares Lost in the soothing rest Oblivion gives! While his "tired nature" hugs the grateful couch, Man resteth! Sweet his peaceful, hallowed rest, And enter into everlasting rest. NOTES AND ANECDOTES, Political and Miscellaneous-from 1798 to 1830.-Drawn from the Portfolio of an Officer of the Empire-and translated from the French for the Messenger, by a gentleman in Paris. BARON TAYLOR AND THE PYRAMIDS OF EGYPT. After completing some very beautiful decorations for the theatre du panorama dramatique, and, among others, a glass veil, which some twelve years ago attracted all Paris by its novelty, M. Taylor suddenly became a Captain of the Staff, a Baron, and a Royal Commis sioner near the Theatre Français. M. Taylor, a spirited and pure writer, succeeded in proving that the duties of a commissioner of the government, near a royal theatre, are, for so distinguished a wit as himself, of such easy execution, that the person who enjoys the situation, and draws a salary of six thousand francs a year, may consecrate nine months of the twelve to scientific voy ages at the expense of the government. It happened to M. Taylor that he sometimes dated his receipts for instalments of his salary as a Commissioner Royal for the Theatre Français from the banks of the Nile. During one of these excursions into Egypt, M. Taylor, on visiting the pyramids, according to custom, engraved his name upon the stone of these ancient monuments. But his mind was, at the moment, occupied about something else; he was, perhaps, thinking of his duties at the Theatre Français, so that his name was badly cut. The second stroke of the y, in the word Taylor, was omitted. One evening, after his return to Paris, while promenading in the green-room of the opera, he encountered an Englishman, who had also visited Egypt and the pyramids; and who, if he had not engraved his name on the stone of these monuments, had at least taken into his head the singular fancy of copying, in his memorandum book, all the inscriptions which time had suffered to remain legible. "Then," said M. Taylor, "I hope that I have not been entirely forgotten by you, since my name must be on your tablets." "No, I assure you it is not." and strangled two others, he proclaimed himself Pacha of Egypt, uniting under his authority the different governments, of which he made himself the heir, by putting to death their rightful rulers. The Porte did not hesitate to confirm him in the dignity which he had conferred upon himself. The tribute is the great question for the Porte in affairs of this sort; and it generally shows itself but little disposed to disturb any enterprising individual, who may thus possess himself of power, especially at five hundred leagues from the metropolis, provided he sends a supply of presents, and promises to pay the regular tribute. "How is that? It is not a year since I engraved it; it Méhémet-Ali paid it very regularly for several years, could hardly be effaced already." "I assure you I did not discover it." "It is very extraordinary." though I believe he is just now somewhat in arrear. When Méhémet-Ali made himself Pacha of Egypt he could neither read nor write. In Egypt and Turkey a man of clevated dignity does not find it absolutely necessary to know how to write, but he ought to know "I read and copied a Tailor; but your name is too well known, in the literary world, for me to confound it with any other. I have always read your name writ-how to read. Méhémet-Ali perceived this necessity on ten with a y, while the one I have copied contained only an i." The next morning, by seven o'clock, M. Taylor was at the office of the Minister of the interior: he announced his intention of going into Egypt to complete his unfinished researches, and solicited a new mission from the government. The request was too legitimate a one to be refused. The Theatre Français was again deprived of its Royal Commissioner for nearly a year; but the Tailor of the pyramids is now Taylor. THE PACHA OF EGYPT. I trust the reader will not peruse, without interest, some details concerning the origin and character of the Pacha of Egypt, which were communicated to me by a French general officer, to whom the Egyptian army was indebted for the excellent organization which rendered it so formidable to the Ottoman empire. Méhémet-Ali is a man of great capacity; he has effected a prodigious advance in the civilization of the East. An inquiry into the origin of a man, who, without instruction, and by the sole power of his own talents, has made himself the independent sovereignindependent, at least in fact, of an immense country, cannot fail to be interesting. At the period of the campaign in Egypt, 1793, Méhémet-Ali was nothing but a brave and enterprising contrabandist. He had already inflicted incalculable losses upon the government, which, despairing of becoming master of his person, offered him a pardon, and a rank equivalent to that of French chef-de-bataillon, (the title of this grade signifies, in the language of Egypt, the commander of a thousand men) if he would unite himself with his band to the troops sent against the French army. Méhémet-Ali accepted the offer. His successes were but feeble, but he knew how to profit by them-he perfectly understood the fabrication of bulletins; and it was not long before he succeeded in creating himself a party. Egypt having been evacuated by the French army, Méhémet-Ali labored still more actively in the execution of the great projet which he had conceived; and one day having cut off the heads of three Pachas, discovering that his secretaries had frequently misread the firmans or despatches which they submitted to him. He accordingly determined to learn to read, but he was anxious to do so in secret. One morning he was informed that a vessel, bearing the imperial flag of Morocco, was signaled at the entrance of the port of Alexandria. He ascertained that this vessel had been freighted for a son and a daughter of the Emperor of Morocco, who were going on a pilgrimage to Mecca. He invited them to repose from the fatigues of their voyage-the Prince in his palace, and the Princess in his harem-promising to treat them with a hospitality worthy of their rank. A few days afterwards the imperial Prince was enabled to continue his voyage; but the Princess remained voluntarily in the harem at Alexandria, and became one of the four legitimate wives of MéhémetAli. The Pacha of Egypt had four harems, and eight hundred wives; and in each harem he had a legitimate wife. The Princess of Morocco was extremely well educated; she knew how to read, and became the instructor of Méhémet-Ali; and when the education of the Vice Roy was completed, his secretaries learnt, in undergoing the punishment which he inflicted on them, that their master was no longer contented to be deceived. There are few men, even in Europe, who have more extended, or accurate information, than the Pacha of Egypt, on the subjects of agriculture, navigation, and commerce. Heretofore the necessity of securing his conquests, and of establishing definitely his independence, has compelled him to impose enormous charges on his subjects; but his immense works will survive him, and Egypt will be indebted to him, at a future and not very distant period, for an incalculable increase of her riches, and a civilization which he invites by all the means in his power. The desertion of Soleman-Bey was a severe loss to him. Soleman would have been a remarkable man in Europe. He spoke French, German, English, and Italian with equal facility; and he had made himself well acquainted with the exact sciences. It was never certainly known to what cause to attribute the discontent which induced him to abandon the cause of the Pacha of Egypt for that of Mahmoud. Mahmoud himself looked with dis him. trust upon this desertion; and Soleman, whose death moment of ill-humor and impatience, alienated the only was announced a few months after he quitted the ser- great power which still hesitated to declare against vice of the Pacha, it was said, was poisoned by order of the Sultan. He had a brother among the young Egyptians entrusted to the care of M. Jomaad. Méhémet-Ali is admirably seconded by his son Ibrahim, a General endowed with great military talents, but whose excellent qualities have been dimmed by the most frightful cruelty. Ibrahim does not send to the executioner those who displease him-he puts them to death himself. He has never failed in devotion to his father, though he has not always approved his political ideas; however, he more recently has altered his opinions, and surrendered himself up entirely to a system which he promises to continue. The Pacha of Egypt has a buffoon of the name of Mustapha. This creature is not without wit. He unites with his functions of regular buffoon, those attached to one of the great dignitaries of the palace. Mustapha enjoys much favor; but with oriental Princes the most extraordinary regard does not always prevent exposure to very disagreeable caprices. Mustapha," ," said Méhémet-Ali, one day to his buffoon, "let us play a game of checks." "I am at the service of your highness." "But I desire that you should lose." "Then I will lose." "What shall we play for?" "Whatever your highness may please." It is probable that M. de Metternich had received from the English either money or promises. Had the Emperor not have been soured by the misfortunes of the Russian campaign, and the recent desertions which he had suffered from, he would have contented himself by offering M. de Metternich double the sum he supposed him to have been promised by the English, saving to himself the means of seizing, at his pleasure, a favorable opportunity for procuring his dismission from the Ministry; but anger never reasons. When, during the famous sitting of the Chamber of Deputies, in which the petition, demanding the recall of those who had been proscribed in 1815, was reported, M. de Serre pronounced, in reference to this subject, the word never! he lost, by that single expression, the prestige with which his brilliant success in the tribune had surrounded him. He became an ordinary man. The word never should not have passed the lips of a statesman. M. de Peyronnet who seemed to set himself studiously to work, for the purpose of covering with oblivion the excellent qualities which it was impossi ble not to recognize in him, also uttered one of those expressions which destroy a man. The two last sessions which preceded the fall of the Ministry of M. Villèle, were marked, in spite of the compact majority "Then we will play—you will lose ; and, if you do, of three hundred which sustained the government, by THE SLIPPER OF M. DE PEYRONNET. An old and common proverb says-trop gratter cuit, trop parler nuit. If the principle of this proverb is applicable to common life and private individuals, how much more is it to public men, whose most insignificant words, when collected, weighed, and commented upon, receive from the interpretation that may be given them, an importance which those who uttered them never dreamt of. It especially applies to those expressions uttered in a moment of passion; and which, for the very reason that they seem less the result of reflection, are received as involuntary but positive evidence of the secret thoughts of the speaker. When, during the conferences of Dresden, the Emperor said harshly to M. de Metternich, who had come to have an understanding with him on the basis of the alliance between France and Austria, "How much do the English give to determine you to advise the Emperor of Austria to separate himself from me?" he made an open enemy of the most influential member of the Austrian cabinet; and, by a word, pronounced in a those half-checks of the tribune which foretell the end of an administration. The Council had also begun to suffer some discord. M. de Peyronnet, less a statesman, and more of a partizan than M. de Villèle, more frank and free in his behaviour than the President of the Council, energetically repulsed everything which seemed like concession. The session of 1825 had just terminated, and M. de Peyronnet announced his intention of visiting some of the watering places of the continent. One of his friends observed that it would hardly be prudent to absent himself at such a moment. "What matters it?" said M. de Peyronnet; "they will never dare to do anything without me. I leave my slipper here, which is all that is necessary." These words, circulated in the court and the saloons, by the amiable friend who heard them, made more and more dangerous enemies for M. de Peyronnet, than all the acts of his long and difficult Ministry. SONNET TO MARY. Love claimed my heart, and set his arrow there: O! not unwelcome! Then I breathed a prayer, To plead my cause with thee; for, O! 'twas vain The little Archer-God was sure to gain And now he doth so like a tyrant reign, L. L. |