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Hadrian, c. 12.) It Buffered much from the intestine feuds of the Jews and Greeks, and the Bruchcium was nearly rebuilt by the emjieror Gallieuus, A. D. 260—8. But the zeal of its Christian population was more destructive; and the Saracens only completed their previous work of demolition.

Population of Alezandreia. DiodorusSiculus,who visited Alexandreia about B. c. 58, estimates (xvii. 52) its free citizens at 300,000, to which sum at least an equal number must be added for slaves and casual residents. Besides Jews, Greeks, and Egyptians, the population consisted, according to Dion Chrysostom, who saw the city in A. D. 69 (Orot. xxxii.), of " Italians, Syrians, Libyans, Cilicians, Aethiopians, Arabians, Bactrians, Persians, Scythians, and Indians;" and Polybius (xxxix. 14) and Strabo (p. 797) confirm his statement. Ancient writers generally give the Alexandrians an ill name, as a double-tongued (Hirtius, B. Alex. 24), factious (Trebell. Poll. Trig. Tyran. c. 22), irascible (Phil. ailv. Flacc. ii. p. 519), blood-thirsty, yet cowardly set (Dion Cass. i. p. 621). Athenaeus speaks of them as a jovial, boisterous race (x. p. 420), and mentions their passion for music and the number and strange appellations of their musical instruments (id. iv. 176, xiv. p. 654). Dion Chrysostom (Orat. xxxii.) upbraids them with their levity, their insane love of spectacles, horse races, gambling, and dissipation. They were, however, singularly industrious. Besides their export trade, the city was full of manufactories of paper, linen, glass, and muslin (Vopisc. Saturn. 8). Even the lame and blind had their occupations. For their rulers, Greek or Roman, they invented nicknames. The better I'tolemies and Caesars smiled at these affronts, while Physcon and Caracalla repaid them by a general massacre. For more particular information respecting Alexandreia we refer to Matter, lEcole tTAlexandrie, 2 vols.; the article " Alexandrmische Schule " in Pauly's Real Encyclopaedia; and to Mr. Sharpc's llittory of Egypt, 2nd ed.

77ie Government of Alexandreia. Under the Ptolemies the Alexandrians possessed at least the semblance of a constitution. Its Greek inhabitants enjoyed the privileges of bearing arms, of meeting in the Gymnasium to discuss their general interests, and to petition for redress of grievances; and they were addressed in royal proclamations as " Men of Macedon." But they had no political constitution able to resist the grasp of despotism; and, after the reigns of the first three kings of the Lagid house, were deprived of even the shadow of freedom. To this end the division of the city into three nations directly contributed; for the Greeks were ever ready to take up arms against the Jews, and the Egyptians feared and contemned them both. A connubium, indeed, existed between the latter and the Greeks. (Lctronnc, Inter, i. p. 99.) Of the government of the Jews by an Ethnarch and a Sanhedrim we have already spoken: how the quarter Rhocotis was administered we do not know; it was probably under a priesthood of its own: but we find in inscriptions and in other scattered notices that the Greek population was divided into tribes (cpuAai), and into wards (Sijuol). The tribes were nine in number ('AA0afr, 'Apw3Wr, Aytavfipls, Aiowals, Euftts, Btm-ts, Boarrts, Mapmvls, 2nupvXh). (Mcineke, Anakcta Alexandrina, p. 346, seq. Berl. 1843.) There was, indeed, some variation in the appellations of the tribes, since Apollonius of Rhodes, the author of the Argonautica, belonged to a tribe

called TlroXtpats. ( Vit. A poll. Rhod. ed. Brunk.) The senate was elected from the principal members of the wards (Aq/torai). Its functions were chiefly jndicial. In inscriptions we meet with the titles yvpyaatapxts, tucaiotoWns, inrouvnuartypaQos, ipx^ucdartts, iyopivopos, &c. (Letronne, Recueit de* Inter. Gr. et I Ml. de I'Egypte, vol. i. 1842, Paris; id. Recherche* pour tervir a TBittoire de tEgypte, &c. Paris, 1823—8.) From the reign of Augustus, B.C. 31, to that of Septimius Severus, A. D. 194, the functions of the senate were suspended, and their place supplied by the Roman Juridicut, or Chief Justice, whose authority was inferior only to that of the Praefectui Auguttalit. (Winkler, de Jurid. Alex. Lips. 1827—8.) The latter emperor restored the "jut Imleutarum." (Spartian. Severut, c 17.)

The Roman government of Alexandreia was altogether peculiar. The country was assigned neither to the senatorian nor the imperial provinces, but was made dependent on the Caesar alone. For this regulation there were valid reasons. The Nilevalley was not easy of access; might be easily defended by an ambitious prefect; was opulent and populous; and was one of the principal granaries of Rome. Hence Augustus interdicted the senatorian order, and even the more illustrious equites (Tac. Ann. ii. 59) from visiting Egypt without Bpeiial licence. The prefect he selected, and his successors observed the rule, either from his personal adherents, or from equites who looked to him alone for promotion. Under the prefect, but nominated by the emperor, was the Juridicus (apxi5(KaVr7is), who presided over a numerous staff of inferior magistrates, and whose decisions could be annulled by the prefect, or perhaps the emperor alone. The Caesar appointed also the keeper of the public records (ywouvTiiurrirypaipos), the chief of the police (vvkTfpivbs arpaTijyds), the Interpreter of Egyptian law (tZirprrfo varpiwv Voumv), the praefectus annonae or warden of the markets (^Ti^tcAfrr^s ruv Tp ToXti xfJo-W")' and the President of the Museum. All these officers, as Caesarian nominees, wore a scarlet-bordered robe. (Strab. p. 797, seq.) In other respects the domination of Rome was highly conducive to the welfare of Alexandreia. Trade, which had declined under the later Ptolemies, revived and attained a prosperity hitherto unexampled; the army, instead of being a horde of lawless and oppressive mercenaries, was restrained under strict discipline: the privileges and national customs of the three constituents of its population were respected: the luxury of Rome gave new vigour to commerce with the East; the corn-supply to Italy promoted the cultivation of the Delta and the business of the Emporium; and the frequent inscription of the imperial names upon the temples attested that Alexandreia at least had benefited by exchanging the Ptolemies for the Caesars.

The llittory of Alexandreia may be divided into three periods. (1) The Hellenic. (2) The Roman. (3) The Christian. The details of the first of these may bo read in the History of the Ptolemies {Diet, of Biogr. vol. iii. pp. 565—599). Here it will suffice to remark, that the city prospered under the wisdom of Soter and the genius of Philadelphus; lost somewhat of its Hellenic character under Euergetes, and began to decline under Philopator, who was a mere Eastern despot, surrounded and governed by women, eunuchs, and favourites. From Epiphancs downwards theso evils


were aggravated. The army was disorganised; trade and apiculture declined; the Alexandrian people grew more servile and vicious: even the Museum exhibited symptoms of decrepitude. Its professors continued, indeed, to cultivate science and criticism, but invention and taste had expired. It depended upon Rome whether Alexandreia should become tributary to Antioch, or receive a proconsul from Ihe senate. Tl^wars of Rome with Carthage, Macedon, and Syria alone deferred the deposition of the Lagidae. The influence of Rome in the Ptolemaic kingdom commenced properly in B. c. 204, when the guardians of Epiphanes placed their infant ward under the protection of the senate, as his only refug* ngainst the designs of the Macedonian and Syrian lnonarchs. (Justin, xxx. 2.) M. Aemilius Lepidus was appointed guardian to the young Ptolemy, and the legend " Tutor Regit" upon the Aemilian coins commemorates this trust. (Eckhel, vol. v. p. 123.) In B. c. 163 the Romans adjudicated between the brothers Ptolemy Philometor and Euergetes. The latter received Cyrene; the former retained Alexandreia and Egypt. In B. c. 145, Scipio Africanus the younger was appointed to settle the distractions which ensued upon the murder of Eupator. (Justin, xxxviii. 8; Cic. Acad. Q. iv. 2, Off iii. 2; Diod. Ijcgat. 32; Gell. N.A. xviii. 9.) An inscription, of about this date, recorded at Delos the existence of amity between Alexandreia and Rome. (Lctronne, Inter, vol.i. p.102.) In B.c.97, Ptolemy Apiondevised by will the province of Cyrene to the Roman senate (Liv. lxx. Epit.~), and his example was followed, in B. c. 80, by Ptolemy Alexander, who bequeathed to them Alexandreia and his kingdom. The bequest, however, was not immediately enforced, as the republic was occupied with civil convulsions at home. Twenty years later Ptolemy Auletes mortgaged his revenues to a wealthy Roman senator, Rabirins Postumua (Cic. Fragm. xvii. Oalli, p. 458), and in B. c. 55 Alexandreia was drawn into the immediate vortex of the Roman revolution, and from this period, until its submission to Augustus in B. c. 30, it followed the fortunes alternately of Pompey, Gabinius, Caesar, Cassius the liberator, and M. Antonius.

The wealth of Alcxandrciain the last century B.C. may be inferred from the fact, that, in B.C. 63, 6250 talents, or a million sterling, were paid to the treasury as port dues alone. (Diod. xvii. 52; Strab. p. 832.) Under the emperors, the history of Alexandreia exhibits little variety. It was, upon the whole, leniently governed, for it was the interest of the Caesars to be generally popular in a city which commanded one of the granaries of Rome. Augustus, indeed, marked his displeasure at the support given to M. Antonius, by building Nicopolis about three miles to the east of the Canobic gate as its rival, and by depriving the Greeks of Alexandreia of the only political distinction which the Ptolemies had left them — the judicial functions of the senate. The city, however, shared in the general prosperity of Egypt under Roman rule. The portion of its population that came most frequently in collision with the executive was that of the Jewish Quarter. Sometimes emperors, like Caligula, demanded that the imperial effigies or military standards should be set up in their temple, at others the Greeks ridiculed or outraged the Hebrew ceremonies. Both these causes were attended with sanguinary results, and even with general pillage and burning of the city. Alexandreia was favoured by Claudius, who added a wing to the Museum; was threatened with

a visit from Nero, who coveted the skilful applause of its claqueurs in the theatre (Sneton. Aer. 20); was the head-quarter, for some mouths, of Vespasian (Tac. Hist. iii. 48, iv. 82) during the civil wars which preceded his accession; was subjected to military lawlessness under Domitian (Juv. Sat. xvi.); was governed mildly by Trajan, who even supplied the city, during a dearth, with com (Plin. Panegyr. 31. § 23); and was visited by Hadrian in A. D. 122, who has left a graphic picture of the population. (Vopisc. Saturn. 8.) The first important change in their polity was that introduced by the emperor Sevcrus in A. D. 196. The Alexandrian Greeks were no longer formidable, and Severus accordingly restored their senate and municipal government. He also ornamented the city with a temple of Rhea, and with a public bath — Thermae Septvnianae.

Alexandreia, however, suffered more from a single visit of Caracalla than from the tyranny or caprice of any of his predecessors. That emperor liad been ridiculed by its satirical populace for affecting to be the Achilles and Alexander of his time. The rumours or caricatures which reached him in Italy were not forgotten on his tour through the provinces; and although he was greeted with hecatombs on his arrival at Alexandreia in A. D. 211 (Herodian. iv. 9), he did not omit to repay the insult by a general massacre of the youth of military age. (Dion Cass, lxxvii. 22; Spartian. Caracall. 6.) Caracalla also introduced some important changes in the civil relations of the Alexandrians. To mark his displeasure with the Greeks, he admitted the chief men of the quarter Rhacotis — i. e. native Egyptians — into the Roman senate (Dion Cass. li. 17; Spartian. CaracaU. 9); he patronised a temple of Isis at Rome; and he punished the citizens of the lirucheium by retrenching their public games and their allowance of corn. The Greek quarter was charged with the maintenance of an additional Roman garrison, and its inner walls were repaired and lined with forts.

From the works of Aretacus (ik Morb. Acat. i.) we learn that Alexandreia was visited by a jtestilencc in the reign of Callus, A. D. 253. In 265, the prefect Aemilianus was proclaimed Caesar by his soldiers. (Trebell. Pol. Trig. Tgrann. 22, Oallien. 4.) In 270, the name of Zenobia, queen of Palmyra, appears on the Alexandrian coinage; and the city had its full share of the evils consequent upon the frequent revolutions of the Roman empire. (Vopisc. Awelian. 32.) After this period, A. D. 271, Alexandreia lost much of its predominance in Egypt, since the native population, hardened by repeated wars, and reinforced by Arabian immigrants, had become a martial and turbulent race. In A. n. 297 (Eutrop. ix. 22), Diocletian besieged and regained Alexandreia, which had declared itself in favour of the usurper Achilleus. The emperor, however, made a lenient use of his victorv, and purchased the favour of the populace by an increased largess of corn. The column, now well known as Pompey's Pillar, once supported a Btatue of this emperor, and still bears on its base the inscription, "To the most honoured emperor, the deliverer of Alexandreia, the invincible Diocletian."

Alexandreia had its full share of the persecutions of this reign. The Jewish rabbinism and Greek philosophy of the city had paved the way for Christianity, and the serious temper of the Egyptian population sympathised with the earnestness of tlie new faith. The Christian population of Alcxan

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drcia was accordingly numerous when the imperial edicts were put in force. Nor were martyrs wanting. The city was already an episcopal see; and its bishop Peter, with the presbyters Faustus, Dins, and Amnion ins, were among the first victims of Diocletian's rescript. The Christian annals of Alexandria have so little that is peculiar to the city, that it will suffice to refer the reader to the general history of the Church.

It is more interesting to turn from the Arian and Athanasian feuds, which sometimes deluged the streets of the city with blood, and sometimes made necessary the intervention of the Prefect, to the aspect which Alexandria presented to the Arabs, in A. r>. 640, after so many revolutions, civil and religious. The Pharos and Heptastadium were still uninjured: the Sebaste or Caesarium, the Soma, and the Quarter Ithacotis, retained almost their original grandeur. But the Hippodrome at the Canobic Gate was a ruin, and a new Museum had replaced in the Egyptian Region the more ample structure of the Ptolemies in the Brucheium. The Greek quarter was indeed nearly deserted: the Regio Judaeorum was occupied by a few miserable tenants, who purchased from the Alexandrian patriarch the right to follow their national law. The Serapeion had been converted into a Cathedral; and some of the more conspicuous buildings of the Hellenic city had become the Christian Churches of St Mark, St. John, St. Mary, Ac. Yet Amrou reported to his master the Khalif Omar that Alexandria was a city containing four thousand palaces, four thousand public baths, four hundred theatres, forty thousand Jews who paid tribute, and twelve thousand persons who sold herbs. (Eutych. Annal. A. D. 640.) The result of Arabian desolation was, that the city, which had dwindled into the Egyptian Quarter, shrunk into the limits of the Heptastadium, and, after the year 1497, when the Portuguese, by discovering the passage round the Cape of Good Hope, changed the whole current of Indian trade, it degenerated still further into an obscure town, with a population of about 6000, inferior probably to that of the original Khacotis.

Jiuitu of Alexandreia. These may be divided into two classes: (1) indistinguishable mounds of masonry; and (2) fragments of buildings which may, in some degree, be identified with ancient sites or structures.

"The Old Town" is surrounded by a double wall, with lofty towers, and five gates. The Rosetta Gate is the eastern entrance into this circuit; but it does not correspond with the old Canobic Gate, which was half a mile further to the cast The space inclosed is about 10,000 feet in length, and in its breadth varies from 3200 to 1600 feet. It contains generally shapeless masses of ruins, consisting of shattered columns and capitals, cisterns choked with rubbish, and fragments of pottery and glass. Some of the mounds are covered by the villas and gardens of the wealthier inhabitants of Alexandreia. Nearly in the centre of the inclosure, and probably in the High Street between the Canobic and Necropolitan Gates, stood a few years since three granite columns. They were nearly opposite the Mosque of St. Athanasius, and were perhaps the last remnants of the colonnade which lined the High Street (From this mosque was taken, in 1801, the sarcophagus of green breccia which is now in the British Museum.) Until December, 1841, there was also on the road leading to the Rosetta Gate the base of another

similar column. But these, as well as other remnants of the capital of the Ptolemies, have disappeared; although, twenty years ago, the intersection of its two main streets was distinctly visible, at a point near the Prank Square, and not very far from the Catholic convent. Excavations in the Old Town occasionally, indeed, bring to light parts of statues, large columns, and fragments of masonry: but the ground-plan of Alexandreia is now probably lost irretrievably, as the ruins have been converted into building materials, without note being taken at the time of the site or character of the remnants removed. Vestiges of baths and other buildings may be traced along the inner and outer bay; and numerous tanks are still in use which formed part of the cisterns that supplied the city with Nile-water. They were often of considerable size; were built under the houses; and, being arched and coated with a thick red plaster, have in many cases remained perfect to this day. One set of these reservoirs runs parallel to the eastern issue of the Mahmoodeh Canal, which nearly represents the old Canobic Canal; others arc found in the convents which occupy part of the site of the Old Town; and others again are met with below the mound of Pompey's Pillar. The descefft into these cliambers is either by steps in the side or by an opening in the roof, through which the water is drawn up by ropes and buckets.

The most striking remains of ancient Alexandreia are the Obelisks and Pompey's Pillar. The former are universally known by the inappropriate name of "Cleopatra's Needles." The fame of Cleopatra has preserved her memory among the illiterate Arabs, who regard her as a kind of enchantress, and ascribe to her many of the great works of her capital,—the Pharos and Heptastadium included. Meselleh is, moreover, the Arabic word for H a packing Needle," and is given generally to obelisks. The two columns, however, which bear this appellation, are red granite obelisks which were brought by one of the Caesars from Heliopolis, and, according to Pliny (xxxvi. 9), were set up in front of the Sebaste or Caesarium. They are about 57 paces apart from each other: one is still vertical, the other has been thrown down. They stood each on two steps of white limestone. The vertical obelisk is 73 feet high, the diameter at its base is 7 feet and 7 inches; the fallen obelisk has been mutilated, and, with the same diameter, is shorter. The latter was presented by Mohammed Ali to the English government: and the propriety of its removal to England has beeu discussed during the present year. Pliny (£ c.) ascribes them to an Egyptian king named Mesphres: nor is he altogether wrong. The Pharaoh whose oval they exhibit was the third Thothmes, and in Manetho's list the first and second Thothmes( 18th Dynasty: Kenrick, vol.ii. p. 199) arc written as Mesphra-Thothmosis. Barneses III. and Osirei II., his third successor,^ave also their ovals upon these obelisks.

Pompey's Pillar, as it is erroneously termed, is denominated by the Arabs Amood e sowari; tan or sowart being applied by them to any lofty monument which suggests the image of a "mast." It might more properly l»e termed Diocletian's Pillar, since a statue of that emperor once occupied its summit, co n memorating the capture of Alexandreia in A. D. 2J7, after an obstinate siege of eight months. The t >tal height of this column is 98 feet 9 inches, the shaft is 73 feet, the circumference 29 feet 8 inches, and the diameter at the top of the capital is 16 feet G inches. The shaft, capital, and pedestal are apparently of different ages; the latter are of very inferior workmanship to the shaft. The substructions of the column are fragments of older monuments, and the name of Psammetichus with a few hieroglyphics is inscribed upon them.

The origin of the name Pompey's Pillar is very doubtful. It has been derived from Tlo/iiraios, " conducting," since the column served for a land-mark. In tho inscription copied by Sir Gardner Wilkinson and Mr. Salt, it is stated that " Publius, the Eparch of Egypt," erected it in honour of Diocletian. For Publius it has been proposed to read " Pompeius." The Pillar originally stood in the centre of a paved urea beneath the level of the ground, like so many of the later Roman memorial columns. Tho pavement, however, has long been broken up and carried away. If Arabian traditions may be trusted, this now solitary Pillar once stood in a Stoa with 400 others, and formed part of the peristyle of the ancient Serapcion.

Next in interest aro the Catacombs or remains of the ancient Necropolis beyond the Western Gate. The approach to this cemetery was through vineyards and gardens, which both Athenaeus and Strabo celebrate. The extent of the Catacombs is remarkable: they are cut partly in a ridge of sandy calcareous stone, and partly in the calcareous rock that faces the sea. They all communicate with the sea by narrow faults, and the most spacious of them is about 3830 yds. SW. of Pompey's Pillar. Their stylo of decoration is purely Greek, and in one of the chambers are a Doric entablature and mouldings, which evince no decline in art at the period of their erection. Several tombs in that direction, at the water's edge, and some even below its level, are entitled " Bagni di Cleopatra."

A more particular account of the Ruin* of Alexandria will be found in Sir Gardner Wilkinson's Topography of Thebes, p. 380, seq., and his BandBook for Travellers in Egypt, pp. 71—100, Murray, 1847. Besides the references already given for Alexandria, its topography and history, the following writers may be consulted: — Strab. p. 791, seq.; Ptol. iv. 5. § 9, vii. 5. §§ 13, 14, &c. &c.; Diod. xvii. 52; Pausan. v. 21, viii. 33; Arrian, Exp. Alex. iii. 1. § 5, seq.; Q. Curtius, iv. 8. § 2, x. 10. §20; Plut. Alex. 26; Mela, i. 9. §9; Plin. v. 10, 11; Amm. Marc. xxii. 16; It. Anton, pp. 57, 70; Joseph. B. J. ii. 28; Polyb. xxxix. 14; Ciiesar, B. C. iii. 112. [W. B. I).]

ALEXANDREIA (v 'Ak^arfptta). Besides the celebrated Alexandreia mentioned above, there were several other towns of this name, founded by Alexander or his successors.

1. In ARACHoaiA, also called Alexandropolis, on the river Arachotus; its site is unknown. (Amm. M:irc. xxiii. 6.)

2% In Aktana (tj 'Aplots, or Alexandreia Arion as Pliny, vi. 17, names it), the chief city of the country, now Herat, the capital of Khorassan, a town which has a considerable trade. The tradition is that Alexander the Great founded this Alexandreia, but like others of the name it was probably only so called in honour of him. (Strab. pp. 514, 516, 723; Amm. Marc, xxiii. 6.)

3. In Bactriana, a town in Bactriana, near Bactra (Steph. Byz.).

4. In Carmanla, the capital of the country, now Kerman. (Amm. Marc, xxiii. 6.)

5. Ad Isspm (fi Kot* "laaov. Alexandreum,

Iskenderun), a town on the cast side of the Gulf of Issns, and probably on or close to the site of the Myriandras of Xenophon (Anab. i. 4), and Arrian (Anab. ii. 6). It seems probable that the place received a new name in honour of Alexander. Stephanus mentions both Myriandrus and Alexandreia of Cilicia,by which he means this place; but this does not prove that there were two towns in his time. Both Stephanus and Strabo (p. 676) place this Alexandreia in Cilicia [ahahus]. A place called Jacob's Well, in the neighbourhood of Iskenderun, has been supposed to be the site of Myriandrus {London Geog. Journ. vol.vii. p. 414); but no proof is given of this assertion. Iskenderun is about 6 miles SSW. of the Pylao Ciliciae direct distance. [amanus.] The place is unhealthy in summer, and contained only sixty or seventy mean houses when Niebuhr visited it; but in recent times it is said to have improved. (Niebuhr, Reisebeschreibung, vol. iii. p. 19; London Geog. Journ. vol. x. p. 511.):)


7. In Paropamisus. [paropamisadae.]

8. Troas ('AAtfaVSpeia r\ Tpwat), sometimes called simply Alexandreia, and sometimes Troas(Acts Apost. xvi. 8), now Eski Stambul or Old Stambul, was situated on the coast of Troas, opposite to the south-eastern point of the island of Tenedos, and north of Assns. It was founded by Antigonus, one of the most able of Alexander's snccessors, under tho name of Autigoneia Troas, and peopled with settlers from Scepsis and other neighbouring towns. It was improved by Lysimachus long of Thrace, and named Alexandreia Troas; but both names, Antigoneia, and Alexandreia, appear on some coins. It was a flourishing place under the Roman empire, and had received a Roman colony when Strabo wrote (p. 593), which was sent in the time of Augustus, as the name Col. Avg. Troas on a coin shows. In the time of Hadrian an aqueduct several miles in length was constructed, partly at the expense of Hcrodes Atticus, to bring water to the city from Ida. Many of the supports of tho aqueduct still remain, but all the arches are broken. The ruins of this city cover a large surface. Chandler says that the walls, the largest part of which remain, are several miles in circumference. The remains of the Thermae or baths are very considerable, and doubtless belongto the Roman period. There is little marble on the site of the city, for tho materials havo been carried off to build houses and public edifices at Constantinople. The place is now nearly deserted.

There is a story, perhaps not worth much, that the dictator Caesar thought of transferring the seat of empire to thus Alexandreia or to Ilium (Suet Coes. 79); and somo writers have conjectured that Augustus had a liko design, as may be inferred from the words of Horace (Cnrm. iii. 3. 37, &c). It maybe true that Constantino thought of Alexandreia (Zosim. ii. 30) for his new capital, but in the end ho made a better selection.

9. Ultima CA\t(dvtpfm ia-xdrn, or 'AAe(<u>0>fVxaTct, Appian, St/r. 57), a city founded among the Scythians, according to Appian. It was founded by Alexander upon the Jaxartes, which the Greeks called the Tunis, as a bulwark against the eastern barbarians . The colonists were Hellenic mercenaries, Macedonians who were past service, and some of the adjacent barbarians: the city was 60 stadia in circuit. (Arrian, Anab. iv. 1. 3; Curtius, vii. 6.) There is no evidence to determine the exact site, which may bo that of Khodjend, as some Buppose. [G. L..1

ALEXANDRI ARAE or COLUMNAE (ol 'AAtlovopotr QojLLui). It was a well-known custom of the ancient conquerors from Sesostris downwards to mark their progress, and especially its furthest limits, by monuments; and thus, in Central Asia, near the river Jaxartes (SiAoun), there were shown altars of Hercules and Bacchus, Cyrus, Semiramis and Alexander. (Plin. vi. 16. s. 18; Solin. 49.) Pliny adds that Alexander's soldiers supposed the Jaxartes to be the Tanals, and Ptolemy (iii. 5. § 26) actually places altars of Alexander on the true TanaTs (.Am), which Ammianus Marcellinus (xxii. 8), carrying the confusion a step further, transfers to the Borysthencs. (Ukert, vol. iii. pt. 2, pp. 38, 40, 71, 191, 196.) Respecting Alexander's altars in India, see Hyphasis. [P. S.]

A'LGIDUS ("AVvifiGi), a mountain of Latium, forming part of the volcanic group of the Alban Hills, though detached from the central summit, the Mons Alban us or Monte Caco, and separated, as well from that as from the Tusculan hills, by an elevated valley of considerable breadth. The extent iu which the name was applied is not certain, but it seems to have been a general appellation for the north-eastern portion of the Alban group, rather than that of a particular mountain summit. It is celebrated by Horace for its black woods of holm-oaks (nigrae Jeraci frondis in Algido), and for its cold and snowy climate (nivali Algido, Carm. i. 21. 6, iii. 23. 9, iv. 4. 58): but its lower slopes became afterwards much frequented by the Roman nobles as a place of summer retirement, whence Silius Italicus gives it the epithet of amoena Algida (Sil. Ital. xii. 536; Martial, x. 30. 6). It has now very much resumed its ancient aspect, and is covered with dense forests, which are frequently the haunts of banditti.

At an earlier period it plays an important part in the history of Rome, being the theatre of numberless conflicts between the Romans and Aequians. It is not clear whether it was—as supposed by Dionysius (x. 21), who is followed by Niebuhr (vol. ii. p. 258) —ever included in the proper territories of the Aequians: the expressions of Livy would certainly lead to a contrary conclusion: but it was continually occupied by them as an advanced post, which at once secured their own communications with the Volscians, and intercepted those of the Romans and Latins with their allies the Hernicans. The elevated plain which separated it from the Tusculan hills thus became their habitual field of battle. (Liv. iii. 2, 23, 25, &c; Dion. Hal. x. 21, xi. 3, 23, &c; Ovid, Fast. vi. 721.) Of the exploits of which it was the scene, the most celebrated are the victory of Cincinnatus over the Aequians under Cloelius Gracchus, in u. c. 458, and that of Postumius Tubertus, in B. c. 428t over the combined forces of the Aequians and Volscians. The last occasion on which we find the former people encamping on Mt. Algid us, was in B.C. 415.

In several passages Dionysius speaks of a town named Algidus, but Livy nowhere alludes to the existence of such a place, nor does his narrative admit of the supposition: and it is probable that Dionysius has mistaken the language of the annalists, and rendered " in Algido" by iv ir6\u 'AAytStft. (Dionys. x. 21, xi. 3; Steph. B. s. v. *A\ytoos, probably copies Dionysius.) In Strabo's time, however, it is certain that there was a small town (votdxviov) of the name (Strab. p. 237): but if we can construe his words strictly, this must have

been lower down, on the southern slope of the hill; and was probably a growth of later times. It was situated on the Via Latina; and the gorge or narrow pass through which that road emerged from the hills is still called la Cava del? Aglio, the latter word being evidently a corruption of Algidus. (Xibby, Dintomi di Roma, vol. i. p. 123.)

We find mention in very early times of a temple of Fortune on ML Algidus (Liv. xxi. 62), and we learn also that the mountain itself was sacred to Diana, who appears to have had there a temple of ancient celebrity. (Hor. Carm. Saec. 69.) Existing remains on the summit of one of the peaks of the ridge are referred, with much probability, to this temple, which appears to have stood on an elevated platform, supported by terraces and walls of a very massive construction, giving to the whole much of the character of a fortress, in the same manner as in the case of the Capitol at Rome. These remains —which are not easy of access, on account of the dense woods with which they are surrounded, and hence appear to have been unknown to earlier writers —are described by Gell {Topography of Rome, p. 42) and Nibby (IHntorni di Roma, vol. i. p. 121), but more fully and accurately by Abeken (MittdItaUen, p. 215). [E.H.B.]

ALINDA ("AAtvSo: Eth. 'Aktvfcvs), a city of Caria, which was surrendered to Alexander by Ada, queen of Caria. It was one of the strongest places in Caria (Arrian. A nab. i. 23; Strab. p. 657). Its position seems to be properly fixed by Fellows {Discoveries in Lycia, p. 58) at Demmeergee-derasy, between Arab Hissa and Karpuslee, on a steep rock. He found no inscriptions, but out of twenty copper coins obtained here five had the epigraph Alinda. [G. L.]

ALIPHETtA (*AA(<^po, Paus.; Aliphcra, Liv.; *A\l<f>eipa, Polyb.: Eth. tA\t<p7}ptvs, 'AAtQTjpatos, on coins AAI*EIPEflN, Aliphiraeus, Plin.iv. 6. s. 10. § 22), a town of Arcadia, in the district Cynuria, said to have been built by Alipherus, a son of Lycaon, was situated upon a steep and lofty hill, 40 stadia S. of the Alpheius and near the frontiers of Elis. A large number of its inhabitants removed to Megalopolis upon the foundation of the latter city in B.C. 371; but it still continued to be a place of some importance. It was ceded to the Eleans by Lydiades, when tyrant of Megalopolis; but it was taken from them by Philip in the Social War, n. c. 219, and restored to Megalopolis. It contained temples of Asclepius and Athena, and a celebrated bronze statue by Hypatodorus of the latter goddess, who was said to have been born here. There are still considerable remains of this town on the hill of Nerovitza, which has a tabular summit about 300 yards long in the direction of E. and W., 100 yards broad, and surrounded by remains of Hellenic walls. At the south-eastern angle, a part rather higher than the rest formed an acropolis: it was about 70 yards long and half as much broad. The'walls are built of polygonal and regular masonry intermixed. (Paus. viii. 3. § 4, 26. § 5, 27. §§ 4, 7; Polyb. iv. 77, 78; Liv. xxviii. 8; Steph. B. *. t>.; Leake, Morea, vol. ii. p. 72, scq.; Ross, Reisen im Peloponnes, vol. i. p. 102; Curtius, Pdoponnesos, vol. i. p. 361, seq.)

ALl'SO or ALI'SUM (?E\laa>v, *AA«ow: perhaps Elsen, near Paderborn), a strong fortress in Germany, built by Drusus in B. c. 11, for the purpose of securing the advantages which had been 1 gained, and to have a safe place in which the Romans

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