ALEXANDREIA. dreia was accordingly numerous when the imperial | edicts were put in force. Nor were martyrs wanting. The city was already an episcopal see; and its bishop Peter, with the presbyters Faustus, Dius, and Ammonius, were among the first victims of Diocletian's rescript. The Christian annals of Alexandreia have so little that is peculiar to the city, that it will suffice to refer the reader to the general history of the Church. ALEXANDRELA. similar column. But these, as well as other rem- formed part of the cisterns that supplied the city It is more interesting to turn from the Arian and Athanasian feuds, which sometimes deluged the streets of the city with blood, and sometimes made necessary the intervention of the Prefect, to the aspect which Alexandreia presented to the Arabs, in A. D. 640, after so many revolutions, civil and re-bay; and numerous tanks are still in use which ligious. The Pharos and Heptastadium were still uninjured: the Sebaste or Caesarium, the Soma, and the Quarter Rhacôtis, retained almost their original grandeur. But the Hippodrome at the Canobic Gate was a ruin, and a new Museum had replaced in the Egyptian Region the more ample structure of the Ptolemies in the Brucheium. The Greek quarter was indeed nearly deserted: the Regio Judaeorum was occupied by a few miserable tenants, who purchased from the Alexandrian patriarch the right to follow their national law. The Serapeion had been converted into a Cathedral; and some of the more conspicuous buildings of the Hellenic city had become the Christian Churches of St. Mark, St. John, Yet Amrou reported to his master St. Mary, &c. the Khalif Omar that Alexandreia was a city containing four thousand palaces, four thousand public baths, four hundred theatres, forty thousand Jews who paid tribute, and twelve thousand persons who sold herbs. (Eutych. Annal. A. D. 640.) The result of Arabian desolation was, that the city, which had dwindled into the Egyptian Quarter, shrunk into the limits of the Heptastadium, and, after the year 1497, when the Portuguese, by discovering the passage round the Cape of Good Hope, changed the whole current of Indian trade, it degenerated still further into an obscure town, with a population of about 6000, inferior probably to that of the original Rhacôtis. Ruins of Alexandreia. These may be divided into two classes: (1) indistinguishable mounds of masonry; and (2) fragments of buildings which may, in some degree, be identified with ancient sites or structures. The most striking remains of ancient Alexandreia are the Obelisks and Pompey's Pillar. The former Cleopatra's Needles." The fame of Cleopatra has are universally known by the inappropriate name of preserved her memory among the illiterate Arabs, who regard her as a kind of enchantress, and ascribe to her many of the great works of her capital,-the Pharos and Heptastadium included. Meselleh is, moreover, the Arabic word for "a packing Needle," and is given generally to obelisks. The two columns, however, which bear this appellation, are red granite obelisks which were brought by one of the Caesars from Heliopolis, and, according to Pliny (xxxvi. 9), They are about 57 paces apart from each other: one were set up in front of the Sebaste or Caesarium. is still vertical, the other has been thrown down. inches; the fallen obelisk They stood each on two steps of white limestone. The vertical obelisk is 73 feet high, the diameter at has been mutilated, and, with the same diameter, is its base is 7 feet and "The Old Town" is surrounded by a double shorter. The latter was presented by Mohammed wall, with lofty towers, and five gates. The Rosetta Ali to the English government: and the propriety of Gate is the eastern entrance into this circuit; but it its removal to England has been discussed during does not correspond with the old Canobic Gate, which the present year. Pliny (l. c.) ascribes them to an The space in- Egyptian king named Mesphres: nor is he altogether was half a mile further to the east. closed is about 10,000 feet in length, and in its wrong. The Pharaoh whose oval they exhibit was breadth varies from 3200 to 1600 feet. It contains the third Thothmes, and in Manetho's list the first generally shapeless masses of ruins, consisting of and second Thothmes (18th Dynasty: Kenrick, vol. ii. meses III. and Osirei II., his third successor, have shattered columns and capitals, cisterns choked with p. 199) are written as Mesphra-Thothmosis. Raerroneously termed, is derubbish, and fragments of pottery and glass. Some Pompey's Pillar, as it of the mounds are covered by the villas and gardens of also their ovals upon these obelisks. the wealthier inhabitants of Alexandreia. Nearly in It might 66 mast." the centre of the inclosure, and probably in the High nominated by the Arabs Amood é sowari; sari or soStreet between the Canobic and Necropolitan Gates, wari being applied by them to any lofty monument stood a few years since three granite columns. They which suggests the image of a were nearly opposite the Mosque of St. Athanasius, more properly he termed Diocletian's Pillar, since a and were perhaps the last remnants of the colonnade statue of that emperor once occupied its summit, comwhich lined the High Street. (From this mosque memorating the capture of Alexandreia in A. D. 297, Iwas taken, in 1801, the sarcophagus of green after an obstinate siege of eight months. The total breccia which is now in the British Museum.) height of this column is 98 feet 9 inches, the shaft Until December, 1841, there was also on the road is 73 feet, the circumference 29 feet 8 inches, and leading to the Rosetta Gate the base of another [the diameter at the top of the capital is 16 feet 6 H 3 inches. The shaft, capital, and pedestal are ap- | parently of different ages; the latter are of very inferior workmanship to the shaft. The substructions of the column are fragments of older monuments, and the name of Psammetichus with a few hieroglyphics is inscribed upon them. The origin of the name Pompey's Pillar is very doubtful. It has been derived from Пoμraîos, "conducting," since the column served for a land-mark. In the inscription copied by Sir Gardner Wilkinson and Mr. Salt, it is stated that "Publius, the Eparch of Egypt," erected it in honour of Diocletian. For Publius it has been proposed to read " Pompeius." The Pillar originally stood in the centre of a paved area beneath the level of the ground, like so many of the later Roman memorial columns. The pavement, however, has long been broken up and carried away. If Arabian traditions may be trusted, this now solitary Pillar once stood in a Stoa with 400 others, and formed part of the peristyle of the ancient Serapeion. Next in interest are the Catacombs or remains of the ancient Necropolis beyond the Western Gate. The approach to this cemetery was through vineyards and gardens, which both Athenaeus and Strabo celebrate. The extent of the Catacombs is remarkable: they are cut partly in a ridge of sandy calcareous stone, and partly in the calcareous rock that faces the sea. They all communicate with the sea by narrow vaults, and the most spacious of them is about 3830 yds. SW. of Pompey's Pillar. Their style of decoration is purely Greek, and in one of the chambers are a Doric entablature and mouldings, which evince no decline in art at the period of their erection. Several tombs in that direction, at the water's edge, and some even below its level, are entitled "Bagni di Cleopatra." Iskenderun), a town on the east side of the Gulf of Issus, and probably on or close to the site of the Myriandrus of Xenophon (Anab. i. 4), and Arrian (Anab. ii. 6). It seems probable that the place received a new name in honour of Alexander. Stephanus mentions both Myriandrus and Alexandreia of Cilicia, by which he means this place; but this does not prove that there were two towns in his time. Both Stephanus and Strabo (p. 676) place this Alexandreia in Cilicia [AMANUS]. A place called Jacob's Well, in the neighbourhood of Iskenderun, has been supposed to be the site of Myriandrus (London Geog. Journ. vol. vii. p. 414); but no proof is given of this assertion. Iskenderun is about 6 miles SSW. of the Pylae Ciliciae direct distance. [AMANUS.] The place is unhealthy in summer, and contained only sixty or seventy mean houses when Niebuhr visited it; but in recent times it is said to have improved. (Niebuhr, Reisebeschreibung, vol. iii. p. 19; London Geog. Journ. vol. x. p. 511.)) 6. OXIANA. [SOGDIANA.] 7. In PAROPAMISUS. [PAROPAMISADAE.] 8. TROAS (Aλe§ávdpeia † Тpúas), sometimes called simply Alexandreia, and sometimes Troas (Acts Apost. xvi. 8), now Eski Stambul or Old Stambul, was situated on the coast of Troas, opposite to the south-eastern point of the island of Tenedos, and north of Assus. It was founded by Antigonus, one of the most able of Alexander's successors, under the name of Antigoneia Troas, and peopled with settlers from Scepsis and other neighbouring towns. It was improved by Lysimachus king of Thrace, and named Alexandreia Troas; but both names, Antigoneia, and Alexandreia, appear on some coins. It was a flourishing place under the Roman empire, and had received a Roman colony when Strabo wrote (p. 593), which was sent in the time of Augustus, as the name CoL. AVG. TROAS on a coin shows. In the time of Hadrian an aqueduct several miles in A more particular account of the Ruins of Alexandreia will be found in Sir Gardner Wilkinson's Topography of Thebes, p. 380, seq., and his Hand-length was constructed, partly at the expense of Book for Travellers in Egypt, pp.71-100, Murray, 1847. Besides the references already given for Alexandreia, its topography and history, the following writers may be consulted: Strab. p. 791, seq; Ptol. iv. 5. § 9, vii. 5. §§ 13, 14, &c. &c.; Diod. xvii. 52; Pausan. v. 21, vini. 33; Arrian, Exp. Alex. iii. 1. § 5, seq.; Q. Curtius, iv. 8. § 2, x. 10. § 20; Plut. Alex. 26; Mela, i. 9. §9; Plin. v. 10, 11; Amm. Marc. xxii. 16; It. Anton. pp. 57, 70; Joseph. B. J. ii. 28; Polyb. xxxix. 14; Caesar, B. C. iii. 112. [W. B. D.] ALEXANDREIA († 'A뀧ávdpeia). Besides the celebrated Alexandreia mentioned above, there were several other towns of this name, founded by Alexander or his successors. 1. In ARACHOSIA, also called Alexandropolis, on the river Arachotus; its site is unknown. (Amm. Marc. xxiii. 6.) 2, In ARIANA (ʼn v 'Apiois, or Alexandreia Arion as Pliny, vi. 17, names it), the chief city of the country, now Herat, the capital of Khorassan, a town which has a considerable trade. The tradition is that Alexander the Great founded this Alexandreia, but like others of the name it was probably only so called in honour of him. (Strab. pp. 514, 516, 723; Amin. Marc. xxiii. 6.) 3. In BACTRIANA, a town in Bactriana, near Bactra (Steph. Byz.). 4. In CARMANIA, the capital of the country, now Kerman. (Amm. Marc. xxiii. 6.) 5. AD ISSUM ( Kar' "Iσσov: Alexandreum, Herodes Atticus, to bring water to the city from Ida. Many of the supports of the aqueduct still remain, but all the arches are broken. The ruins of this city cover a large surface. Chandler says that the walls, the largest part of which remain, are several miles in circumference. The remains of the Thermae or baths are very considerable, and doubtless belong to the Roman period. There is little marble on the site of the city, for the materials have been carried off to build houses and public edifices at Constantinople. The place is now nearly deserted. There is a story, perhaps not worth much, that the dictator Caesar thought of transferring the seat of empire to this Alexandreia or to Ilium (Suet. Caes. 79); and some writers have conjectured that Augustus had a like design, as may be inferred from the words of Horace (Carm. iii. 3. 37, &c.). It may be true that Constantine thought of Alexandreia (Zosim. ii. 30) for his new capital, but in the end he made a better selection. 9. ULTIMA ('Αλεξάνδρεια ἐσχάτη, οι Αλεξαν Spéoxara, Appian, Syr. 57), a city founded among the Scythians, according to Appian. It was founded by Alexander upon the Jaxartes, which the Greeks called the Tanais, as a bulwark against the eastern barbarians. The colonists were Hellenic mercenaries, Macedonians who were past service, and some of the adjacent barbarians: the city was 60 stadia in circuit. (Arrian, Anab. iv. 1. 3; Curtius, vii. 6.) There is no evidence to determine the exact site, which may be that of Khodjend, as some suppose. [G. L.] ALEXANDRI ARAE or COLUMNAE (o 'Aλežávôpov Bwμoi). It was a well-known custom of the ancient conquerors from Sesostris downwards to mark their progress, and especially its furthest limits, by monuments; and thus, in Central Asia, near the river Jaxartes (Sihoun), there were shown altars of Hercules and Bacchus, Cyrus, Semiramis and Alexander. (Plin. vi. 16. s. 18; Solin. 49.) Pliny adds that Alexander's soldiers supposed the Jaxartes to be the Tanaïs, and Ptolemy (iii. 5. § 26) actually places altars of Alexander on the true Tanaïs (Don), which Ammianus Marcellinus (xxii. 8), carrying the confusion a step further, transfers to the Borysthenes. (Ukert, vol. iii. pt. 2, pp. 38, 40, 71, 191, 196.) Respecting Alexander's altars in India, see HYPHASIS. [P.S.] been lower down, on the southern slope of the hill; and was probably a growth of later times. It was situated on the Via Latina; and the gorge or narrow pass through which that road emerged from the hills is still called la Cava dell' Aglio, the latter word being evidently a corruption of Algidus. (Nibby, Dintorni di Roma, vol. i. p. 123.) We find mention in very early times of a temple of Fortune on Mt. Algidus (Liv. xxi. 62), and we learn also that the mountain itself was sacred to Diana, who appears to have had there a temple of ancient celebrity. (Hor. Carm. Saec. 69.) Existing remains on the summit of one of the peaks of the ridge are referred, with much probability, to this temple, which appears to have stood on an elevated platform, supported by terraces and walls of a very massive construction, giving to the whole much of the character of a fortress, in the same manner as in the case of the Capitol at Rome. These remains dense woods with which they are surrounded, and A'LGIDUS (Aλyidos), a mountain of Latium, forming part of the volcanic group of the Alban Hills, though detached from the central summit, the Mons Albanus or Monte Cavo, and separated, as—which are not easy of access, on account of the well from that as from the Tusculan hills, by an elevated valley of considerable breadth. The extent in which the name was applied is not certain, but it seems to have been a general appellation for the north-eastern portion of the Alban group, rather than that of a particular mountain summit. It is celebrated by Horace for its black woods of holm-oaks (nigrae feraci frondis in Algido), and for its cold and snowy climate (nivali Algido, Carm. i. 21. 6, iii. 23. 9, iv. 4. 58): but its lower slopes became afterwards much frequented by the Roman nobles as a place of summer retirement, whence Silius Italicus gives it the epithet of amoena Algida (Sil. Ital. xii. 536; Martial, x. 30. 6). It has now very much resumed its ancient aspect, and is covered with dense forests, which are frequently the haunts of banditti. At an earlier period it plays an important part in the history of Rome, being the theatre of numberless conflicts between the Romans and Aequians. It is not clear whether it was-as supposed by Dionysius (x. 21), who is followed by Niebuhr (vol. ii. p. 258) -ever included in the proper territories of the Aequians: the expressions of Livy would certainly lead to a contrary conclusion: but it was continually occupied by them as an advanced post, which at once secured their own communications with the Volscians, and intercepted those of the Romans and Latins with their allies the Hernicans. The elevated plain which separated it from the Tusculan hills thus became their habitual field of battle. (Liv. iii. 2, 23, 25, &c.; Dion. Hal. x. 21, xi. 3, 23, &c.; Ovid, Fast. vi. 721.) Of the exploits of which it was the scene, the most celebrated are the victory of Cincinnatus over the Aequians under Cloelius Gracchus, in B. C. 458, and that of Postumius Tubertus, in B. C. 428, over the combined forces of the Aequians and Volscians. The last occasion on which we find the former people encamping on Mt. Algidus, was in B. C. 415. In several passages Dionysius speaks of a town named Algidus, but Livy nowhere alludes to the existence of such a place, nor does his narrative admit of the supposition: and it is probable that Dionysius has mistaken the language of the annalists, and rendered "in Algido" by ev móλes 'Aλyid. (Dionys. x. 21, xi. 3; Steph. B. s. v. "Aλyıdos, probably copies Dionysius.) In Strabo's time, however, it is certain that there was a small town (Toλixviov) of the name (Strab. p. 237): but if we can construe his words strictly, this must have ALINDA (Αλινδα : Eth. Αλινδεύς), a city of Caria, which was surrendered to Alexander by Ada, queen of Caria. It was one of the strongest places in Caria (Arrian. Anab. i. 23; Strab. p. 657). Its position seems to be properly fixed by Fellows (Discoveries in Lycia, p. 58) at Demmeergee-derasy, between Arab Hissa and Karpuslee, on a steep rock. He found no inscriptions, but out of twenty copper coins obtained here five had the epigraph Alinda. [G. L.] ALIPHERA ('Axionpa, Paus.; Aliphera, Liv.; ̓Αλίφειρα, Polyb.: Eth. Αλιφηρεύς, Αλιφηραῖος, οτι coins AAIPEIPEON, Aliphiraeus, Plin. iv. 6. s. 10. § 22), a town of Arcadia, in the district Cynuria, said to have been built by Alipherus, a son of Lycaon, was situated upon a steep and lofty hill, 40 stadia S. of the Alpheius and near the frontiers of Elis. A large number of its inhabitants removed to Megalopolis upon the foundation of the latter city in B. C. 371; but it still continued to be a place of some importance. It was ceded to the Eleans by Lydiades, when tyrant of Megalopolis; but it was taken from them by Philip in the Social War, B. C. 219, and restored to Megalopolis. It contained temples of Asclepius and Athena, and a celebrated bronze statue by Hypatodorus of the latter goddess, who was said to have been born here. There are still considerable remains of this town on the hill of Neróvitza, which has a tabular summit about 300 yards long in the direction of E. and W., 100 yards broad, and surrounded by remains of Hellenic walls. At the south-eastern angle, a part rather higher than the rest formed an acropolis: it was about 70 yards long and half as much broad. The walls are built of polygonal and regular masonry intermixed. (Paus. viii. 3. § 4, 26. § 5, 27. §§ 4, 7; Polyb. iv. 77, 78; Liv. xxviii. 8; Steph. B. s. v.; Leake, Morea, vol. ii. p. 72, seq.; Ross, Reisen im Peloponnes, vol. i. p. 102; Curtius, Peloponnesos, vol. i. p. 361, seq.) ALI'SO or ALI'SUM (Ελίσων, Αλεισον : perhaps Elsen, near Paderborn), a strong fortress in Germany, built by Drusus in B. c. 11, for the purpose of securing the advantages which had been gained, and to have a safe place in which the Romans might maintain themselves against the Cherusci and Sigambri. It was situated at the point where the Eliso empties itself into the Lupia (Lippe, Dion Cass. liv. 33.) There can be no doubt that the place thus described by Dion Cassius under the name Exlowv, is the same as the Aliso mentioned by Velleius (ii. 120) and Tacitus (Ann. ii. 7), and which in A. D. 9, after the defeat of Varus, was taken by the Germans. In A. D. 15 it was reconquered by the Romans; but being, the year after, besieged by the Germans, it was relieved by Germanicus. So long as the Romans were involved in wars with the Germans in their own country, Aliso was a place of the highest importance, and a military road with strong fortifications kept up the connection between Aliso and the Rhine. The name of the place was probably taken from the little river Eliso, on whose bank it stood. The Aλetov (in Ptolemy ii. 11) is probably only another form of the name of this fortress. Much has been written in modern times upon the site of the ancient Aliso, and different results have been arrived at; but from the accurate description of Dion Cassius, there can be little doubt that the village of Elsen, about two miles from Paderborn, situated at the confluence of the Alme (Eliso) and Lippe (Lupia), is the site of the ancient Aliso. (Ledebur, Das Land u. Volk der Bructerer, p. 209, foll.; W. E. Giefers, De Alisone Castello Commentatio, Crefeld, 1844, 8vo.) [L. S.] A'LIUM. [ACROREIA.] ALLA'RIA (ANλapia: Eth. 'Aλλapiárns), a city of Crete of uncertain site, of which coins are extant, bearing on the obverse the head of Pallas, and on the reverse a figure of Heracles standing. (Polyb. ap. Steph. B. s. v.) COIN OF ALLARIA. MATURAMA A'LLIA or A'LIA* (8 'Axías, Plut.) a small river which flows into the Tiber, on its left bank, about 11 miles N. of Rome. It was on its banks that the Romans sustained the memorable defeat by the Gauls under Brennus in B. C. 390, which led to the capture and destruction of the city by the barbarians. On this account the day on which the battle was fought, the 16th of July (xv. Kal. Sextiles), called the Dies Alliensis, was ever after regarded as disastrous, and it was forbidden to transact any public business on it. (Liv. vi. 1, 28; Virg. Aen. vii. 717; Tac. Hist. ii. 91; Varr. de L. L. vi. § 32; Lucan. vii. 408; Cic. Ep. ad Att. ix. 5; Kal. Amitern. ap. Orell. Inscr. vol. ii. p. 394.) A few years later, B. C. 377, the Praenestines and their allies, during a war with Rome, took up a position on the Allia, trusting that it would prove of evil omen to their adversaries; but their hopes *According to Niebuhr (vol. ii. p. 533, not.) the correct form is ALIA, but the ordinary form ALLIA is supported by many good MSS., and retained by the most recent editor of Livy. The note of Servius (ad Aen. vii. 717) is certainly founded on a misconception. were deceived, and they were totally defeated by the dictator Cincinnatus. (Liv. vi. 28; Eutrop. ii. 2.) The situation of this celebrated, but insignificant, stream is marked with unusual precision by Livy: "Aegre (hostibus) ad undecimum lapidem occursum est, qua flumen Allia Crustuminis montibus praealto defluens alveo, haud multum infra viam Tiberino amni miscetur." (v. 37.) The Gauls were advancing upon Rome by the left bank of the Tiber, so that there can be no doubt that the "via" here mentioned is the Via Salaria, and the correctness of the distance is confirmed by Plutarch (Camill.18), who reckons it at 90 stadia, and by Eutropius (i. 20), while Vibius Sequester, who places it at 14 miles from Rome (p. 3), is an authority of no value on such a point. Notwithstanding this accurate description, the identification of the river designated has been the subject of much doubt and discussion, principally arising from the circumstance that there is no stream which actually crosses the Via Salaria at the required distance from Rome. Indeed the only two streams which can in any degree deserve the title of rivers, that flow into this part of the Tiber, are the Rio del Mosso, which crosses the modern road at the Osteria del Grillo about 18 miles from Rome, and the Fosso di Conca, which rises at a place called Conca (near the site of Ficulea), about 13 miles from Rome, but flows in a southerly direction and crosses the Via Salaria at Malpasso, not quite 7 miles from the city. The former of these, though supposed by Cluverius to be the Allia, is not only much too distant from Rome, but does not correspond with the description of Livy, as it flows through a nearly flat country, and its banks are low and defenceless. The Fosso di Conca on the contrary is too near to Rome, where it crosses the road and enters the Tiber; on which account Nibby and Gell have supposed the battle to have been fought higher up its course, above Torre di S. Giovanni. But the expressions of Livy above cited and his whole narrative clearly prove that he conceived the battle to have been fought close to the Tiber, so that the Romans rested their left wing on that river, and their right on the Crustumian hills, protected by the reserve force which was posted on one of those hills, and against which Brennus directed his first attack. Both these two rivers must therefore be rejected; but between them are two smaller streams which, though little more than ditches in appearance, flow through deep and narrow ravines, where they issue from the hills; the first of these, which rises not far from the Fosso di Conca, crosses the road about a mile beyond La Marcigliana, and rather more than 9 from Rome; the second, called the Scolo del Casale, about 3 miles further on, at a spot named the Fonte di Papa, which is just more than 12 miles from Rome. The choice must lie between these two, of which the former has been adopted by Holstenius and Westphal, but the latter has on the whole the best claim to be regarded as the true Allia. It coincides in all respects with Livy's description, except that the distance is a mile too great; but the difference in the other case is greater, and the correspondence in no other respect more satisfactory. If it be objected that the little brook at Fonte di Papa is too trifling a stream to have earned such an immortal name, it may be observed that the very particular manner in which Livy describes the locality, sufficiently shows that it was not one necessarily familiar to his readers, nor does any ALLIFAE. mention of the river Allia occur at a later period of Roman history. (Cluver. Ital. p. 709; Holsten. Adnot. p. 127; Westphal, Römische Kampagne, p. 127; Gell's Top. of Rome, p. 44-48; Nibby, Dintorni di Roma, vol. i. p. 125; Reichard, The [E. H. B.] saur. Topogr.) ALLIFAE ('Aλipal, Strab., Diod.; AAλipa, Ptol., Eth. Allifanus: Alife), a city of Samnium, situated in the valley of the Vulturnus, at the foot of the lofty mountain group now called the Monte Matese. It was close to the frontiers of Campania, and is enumerated among the Campanian cities by Pliny (iii. 5. 9), and by Silius Italicus (viii. 537); but Strabo expressly calls it a Samnite city (p. 238). That it was so at an earlier period is certain, as we find it repeatedly mentioned in the wars of the Romans with that people. Thus, at the breaking out of the Second Samnite War, in B. c. 326, it was one of the first places which fell into the hands of the Romans: who, however, subsequently lost it, and it was retaken by C. Marcius Rutilus in B. C. 310. Again, in B. C. 307, a decisive victory over the Samnites was gained by the proconsul Fabius beneath its walls. (Liv. viii. 25, ix. 38, 42; Diod. xx. 35.) During the Second Punic War its territory was alternately traversed or occupied by the Romans and by Hannibal (Liv. xxii. 13, 17, 18, xxvi. 9), but no mention is made of the town itself. Strabo speaks of it as one of the few cities of the Samnites which had survived the calamities of the Social War: and we learn from Cicero that it possessed an extensive and fertile territory in the valley of the Vulturnus, which appears to have adjoined that of Venafrum. (Pro Planc. 9, de Leg. Agr. According to the Liber Coloniarum ii. 25.) (p. 231), a colony was established there by the triumvirs, and its colonial rank, though not mentioned by Pliny, is confirmed by the evidence of inscriptions. These also attest that it continued to be a place of importance under the empire: and was adorned with many new public buildings under the reign of Hadrian. (Zumpt, de Coloniis, p. 335; Orell. Inscr. 140, 3887; Romanelli, vol. ii. pp. 451 It is placed by the Itineraries on the -456.) direct road from Rome to Beneventum by the Via Latina, at the distance of 17 miles from Teanum, and 43 from Beneventum; but the latter number is certainly too large. (Itin. Ant. pp. 122, 304.) The modern Alife is a poor and decayed place, though it still retains an episcopal see and the title of a city: it occupies the ancient site, and has preserved great part of its ancient walls and gates, as numerous other vestiges of antiquity, inwell as cluding the remains of a theatre and amphitheatre, a most extensive and and considerable ruins of Thermae, which appear to have been constructed on (Romanelli, l. c.; Craven, Abruzzi, [E. H. B.] splendid scale. vol. i. p. 21.) ALLO'BROGES ('Aλλóspiyes, 'Aλλóépʊyes, and 'Aλλóbpoyes, as the Greeks write the name), a Gallic people, whose territory lay on the east side of the Rhone, and chiefly between the Rhone and the On the west they were bounded by Isara (Isère). the Segusiani (Caes. B. G. i. 10). In Caesar's time (B. G. i. 6) the Rhodanus, near its outlet from the lake Lemannus, or the lake of Geneva, was the boundary between the Allobroges and the Helvetii; and the furthest town of the Allobroges on the Helvetic border was Geneva, at which place there was a road over the Rhone into the Helvetic territory by The Sequani were the northern neigha bridge. ALMO. bours of the Allobroges, who seem to have had some nensis. ALMA, ALMUS CAλua, Dion Cass. lv. 30; The two robber-chieftains Aurel. Vict. Epitom. 38, Probus; Eutrop. ix. 17; Vopiscus, Probus, 18), a mountain in Lower Pannonia, near Sirmium. Bato made this mountain their stronghold during the Dalmatian insurrection in A. D. 6-7. (Dict. of Biogr. art. Bato.) It was planted with vines by [W. B. D.] the emperor Probus about A. D. 280-81, the spot Ovid being probably recommended to him by its contiguity ALMO, a small river flowing into the Tiber on its left bank, just below the walls of Rome. to his native town of Sirmium. calls it "cursu brevissimus Almo" (Met. xiv. 329), from which it is probable that he regarded the artificial grotto at a spot called La Caffarella as the stream that rises from a copious source under an others that furnish a much larger supply of water, true Almo. This stream is, however, joined by Marrana degli Orti, flows from the source near one of the most considerable of which, called the Marino that was the ancient Aqua Ferentina, another is commonly known as the Acqua Santa. The grotto and source already mentioned were long regarded, but certainly without foundation, as those of Egeria, and the Vallis Egeriae was supposed to be the Valle della Caffarella, through which th Almo flows. The grotto itself appears to have been constructed in imperial times: it contains a marble figure, much mutilated, which is probably that of the tutelary deity of the stream, or the god Almo. (Nardini, Roma Antica, vol. i. pp. 157-161, with |