ARIASPAE

-the Gedrosii, Arachosii, Arii, and Paropamisadae, as far as the river Cophes (the river of Kabul). Pliny therefore agrees on the whole with Strabo. Dionysius Periegetes (1097) agrees with Strabo in extending the N. boundary of the Ariani to the Paropamisus, and (714) speaks of them as inhabiting the shores of the Erythraean Sea. It is probable, from Strabo (xv. p. 724), that that geographer was induced to include the E. Persians, Bactrians, and Sogdians, with the people of Ariana below the mountains, because they were for the most part of one speech. There can be no doubt the modern Iran re-a word itself of native presents the ancient Ariana,origin; a view which is borne out by the traditions of the country preserved in the Mohammedan writers of the ninth and tenth centuries,-according to whom, consistently with the notices in ancient authors, the greater part of Ariana was Iran or Persia. (Firdusi, in the Shah Namah; Mirkhond, Rozat-as-safa.)

The names Aria and Ariana, and many other an-
cient titles of which Aria is a component element, are
"excellent,"
connected with the Hindu term Arya,
"honourable." In Manu, Arya wartta is the "holy
land or abode," a country extending from the eastern
to the western sea, and bounded on the N. and S.
The na-
by the Himála and Vindhya Mountains.
tive name of the Hindus was Aryans. The ancient
Persian name of the same district was, according to
Anquetil Duperron, Aryanem Vaėjo (Sansc. Arya-
varsha). Burnouf calls it Airyana or Airya-
dagya (Sansc. Arya-desa, and Arya-bhumi, "the
land of the Arians "); and the researches of De Sacy,
St. Martin, Longperier, and others, have discovered
the word Iran on the coins of the Sassanian princes.
We may therefore conclude that Airya or Airyana
are old Persian words, and the names of that region
to which the Hindus extended the designation of
Arya, which the Sassanian coins denominate Iran,
and which the Greeks of Alexander's time under-
stood. On the Persian cuneiform inscription the
original word is Ariya. (Rawlinson, As. Journ. xi.
pt. 1.)

The towns, rivers, and mountains of Ariana are
described under its provinces. [ARACHOSIA, DRAN-
GIANA, &c.] (Wilson, Ariana, pp. 119-124; Bur- |
nouf, Comm. sur le Yaçna, Text. Zend. p. cxxxvi.
and not. p. cv.; Pott, Etym. Forsch. pp. lxx. lxxii.;
Lassen, Ind. Alterth. vol. i. pt. 2; De Sacy, Antiq.
de la Perse; St. Martin, Hist. de l'Armen.) [V.]
ARIASPAE ('Apiάowai, Arrian, iii. 37; Curt.
vii. 3. § 1), a tribe of the province of Drangiana, who
lived apparently at its southern extremity, adjoining
Gedrosia. Their name has been spelt variously, as
Agriaspae (Curt. vii. 3. 1), Zariaspae (Plin. vi.
23. 25), and Arimaspae (Diod. xvii. 81). Arrian
(iii. 27) states that this was their original title, but
that, having aided Cyrus in his Scythian expedition,
they were subsequently called Evergetae (benefac-
tors). Diodorus has probably confounded them with
the Scythian tribe of the Arimaspi. (Herod. iii. 116.)
Ptolemy (vi. 19. § 5, and viii. 25. § 9) speaks of a city
called Ariaspa (Apidon), which was the second
city of Drangiana, probably situated on the Ety-
mander (Elmend). Wilson and Burnouf agree in
considering the Greek Ariaspa as equivalent to the
Sanscrit Aryáswa, "rearers or riders of excellent
horses." (Wilson, Ariana, p. 155; Burnouf, Comm.
sur le Yagna, not. p. cv.)

[V.]

ARIASSUS ('Apiaooós), a city of Pisidia, which may be, as Cramer suggests (Asia Min. vol. ii.

ARICIA.

p. 299), the same city which Strabo (p. 570), fol-
[G. L.]
lowing Artemidorus, mentions as one of the cities of
Pisidia. There are coins of Ariassus of the time of
Sept. Severus.

A'RICHI ("Apixoi, "Aßßixoi), a people of Sar-
matia Asiatica, near M. Corax, probably identical
ARICIA ('Apinía, Strab., Ptol., Steph. B.; 'Apí-
with the ARRECHI. (Ptol. v. 9. § 18.) [P. S.]
Kela, Dion. Hal.: Eth. 'Apikηvós, Dion. Hal.; 'Api-
Kivos, Steph. B., Aricinus: La Riccia), an ancient
and celebrated city of Latium, situated on the Appian
Way, at the foot of the Mons Albanus, and at the
distance of 16 miles from Rome. Its foundation
was ascribed by Cassius Hemina to a Siculian chief
no more authentic account of its origin; but it ap-
named Archilochus. (Solin. 2. § 10.) We have
most powerful and important cities of the Latin
pears in the early history of Rome as one of the
reign of Tarquinius Superbus, when its chief, Turnus
League. The first mention of it is found in the
of Tarquin to the supremacy over Latium, in a
Herdonius, took the lead in opposing the pretensions
manner that clearly indicates that Aricia was power-
ful enough to aspire to this supremacy for itself.
(Liv. i. 50, 52; Niebuhr, vol. i. p. 549, not.) For
the same reason it was the principal object against
which Porsena directed his arms after having
humbled Rome; but the Aricians, being supported
by auxiliaries from the other cities of Latium, as
well as from Cumae, proved victorious. Aruns, the
son of Porsena, who commanded the Etruscan army
was slain in battle, and his forces utterly defeated.
(Liv. ii. 14; Dion. Hal. v. 36.) The shelter and
countenance shown by the Romans to the vanquished.
Tuscans is said to have led the Aricians to take a
prominent part in the war of the Latins against
Rome, which terminated in their defeat at the Lake
Regillus, B. c. 498. (Dion. Hal. v. 51, 61, 62.)
But they unquestionably joined in the treaty con-
cluded with Sp. Cassius in B. C. 493 (Niebuhr,
vol. ii. pp. 17, 24), and from this time their name
Latins. In B. C. 495 a great battle was fought
rarely appears as acting separately from the other
near Aricia between the Romans and Auruncans, in
which the latter were totally defeated. (Liv. ii. 26;
Dion. Hal. vi. 32.) In B. c. 446 we find the Ari-
cians waging war with their neighbours of Ardea
for the possession of the territory which had be-
longed to Corioli; but the dispute was ultimately
referred to the Romans, who appropriated the lands
in question to themselves. (Liv. iii. 71, 72; Dion.
Hal. xi. 52.) No subsequent mention of Aricia
but on that occasion they joined their arms with the
occurs previous to the great Latin War in B. C 340;
confederates, and were defeated, together with the
In the general settlement of Latium
forces of Antium, Lanuvium, and Velitrae, at the
river Astura.
which followed the Aricians were fortunate enough
to obtain the full rights of Roman citizens. (Liv.
viii. 13, 14; Festus, on the contrary, v. Muni-
cipium, p. 127, M., represents them as obtaining
only the "civitas sine suffragio.") From this time
Aricia became a mere municipal town, but appears
to have continued in a flourishing condition.
was shortly after restored and refortified by Sulla
B. C. 87 it was taken and plundered by Marius, but
(Liv. Epit. lxxx.; Lib. Colon. p. 230), and Cicero
speaks of it as in his time a wealthy and flourishing
municipium. (Phil. iii. 6; Ascon. ad Milon. p. 32.)
Atia, the mother of Augustus, and her father, M.
Atius Balbus, were natives of Aricia, from whenco

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In

also the Voconian family derived its origin. (Cic. | ad loc.) It was remarkable for the peculiar and 1. c.) Its position on the Appian Way, at a short barbarous custom, retained even in the days of distance from Rome (Hor. Sat. i. 5. 1; Itin. Ant. Strabo and Pausanias, that the high-priest (who p. 107), doubtless contributed much to its pros- was called Rex Nemorensis) was a fugitive slave, perity, which seems to have continued under the who had obtained the situation by killing his predeRoman empire; but the same circumstance exposed cessor, on which account the priests went always it at a later period to the incursions of the bar- armed. (Strab., Paus., ll. cc.; Suet. Cal. 35.) barians, from which it seems to have suffered se- The same custom is alluded to by Ovid (Art. verely, and fell into a state of decay early in the Amat. i. 260) and by Statius (Silv. iii. 1. 55). middle ages. (Nibby, Dintorni di Roma, vol. i. Like most celebrated sanctuaries, it acquired great p. 249, seq.; Westphal, Röm. Kampagne, p. 27.) wealth, and was in consequence one of those on The modern town of La Riccia occupies the site which Augustus levied contributions during the war of the ancient citadel (probably that also of the with L. Antonius, B. C. 41. (Appian. B. C. v. 24.) original city), on a steep hill rising above a basin- No vestiges of the temple remain; but it appears to shaped hollow or valley, the ancient VALLIS ARI- have been situated on the east side of the lake, CINA, still called Valle Riccia, which was evidently where there grew up around it a village or small at one time the basin of a lake, analogous to those town called NEMUS, of which the modern village of of Albano and Nemi, and, like them, at a still Nemi is probably the successor. The lake has no earlier period the crater of a volcano. It would visible outlet, but its waters are carried off by an seem that some traces of this lake were extant in artificial emissary, probably of very ancient conthe time of Pliny; but the greater part of the valley struction. (Abeken, M. I. p. 167.) Among the must have been drained in very early times. (Plin. sources which supplied it was a fountain sacred to xix. 8. s. 41; Abeken, Mittel Italien, p. 166.) In Egeria, whose worship here appears to have been the days of Strabo the town of Aricia spread itself established at least as early as at Rome. (Strab. down into this hollow (Strab. v. p. 239), probably | I. c.; Virg. Aen. vii. 763; Ov. Fast. iii. 261, Met. for the purpose of approaching the Appian Way, xv. 488, 547; Val. Flacc. ii. 304.) So beautiful a which was carried directly across the valley. This situation could not fail to be sought by Roman part of the ancient road, resting on massive sub- nobles as a place of retirement, and we hear that structions, is still very well preserved. The descent J. Caesar commenced a villa here, but afterwards from the hill above into the hollow-which, not abandoned it in a fit of caprice. (Suet. Caes. 46.) withstanding the great work just mentioned, is still Some foundations still visible beneath the waters of sufficiently steep -was the Clivus Aricinus, re- the lake have been thought to be those of this villa. peatedly alluded to by ancient authors as a favourite (Nibby, vol. ii. p. 396.) Vitellius, too, is mentioned resort of beggars. (Juv. iv. 117; Martial, xii. 32. as dawdling away his time in Nemore Aricino," 10; Pers. vi. 56.) Some remains of the ancient when he should have been preparing for defence. walls of Aricia still exist near the gate of the mo- (Tac. Hist. iii. 36.) dern town leading towards Albano, as well as the ruins of a temple on the slope towards the Valle Riccia.*

Aricia was celebrated throughout Italy for its temple of Diana, which was situated about 3 miles from the town, in the midst of the dense forests that clothed the lower slopes of the Mons Albanus, and on the margin of a small crater-shaped lake. The sanctuary was commonly known as NEMUS DIANAE (Vitruv. iv. 8. § 4; Stat. Silv. iv. 4; Aricinum Triviae Nemus, id. ib. iii. 1. 55; 'AртEμíσιov & кαλοῦσι Νέμος, Strab. p. 239; Νέμος τὸ ἐν ̓Αρικίᾳ, Philostr. Vit. Apoll. iv. 36), from whence the lake came to be named LACUS NEMORENSIS (Propert. iii. 22), while Aricia itself obtained the epithet of NEMORALIS. (Ov. Fast. vi. 59; Lucan. vi. 74.) The lake was also frequently termed SPECULUM DIANAE (Serv. ad Aen. vii. 516), and is still called the Lago di Nemi, so celebrated by all travellers in Italy for its picturesque beauty. It is much smaller than the Lacus Albanus, and more regular in its crater-like form, being surrounded on all sides by steep and lofty hills covered with wood. The worship of Diana here was considered by some ancient writers to be directly derived from Tauris (Strab. v. p. 239), while others ascribed its introduction to Hippolytus, who, after having been brought to life again by Aesculapius, was supposed to have settled in Italy under the name of Virbius. (Paus. ii. 27. § 4; Virg. Aen. vii. 761-777; Serv.

* Concerning the architecture and probable date of this temple, to which a very high antiquity had been assigned by Gell and Nibby, see Abeken, in the Ann. dell' Inst. vol. xii. pp. 23-34.

The Vallis Aricina appears to have been in ancient times as remarkable for its fertility as at the present day: it was particularly adapted for the growth of vegetables. (Plin. xix. 6. s. 33, 8. s. 41; Columell. x. 139; Mart. xiii. 19.)

The name of MONS ARTEMISIUS has been applied by several writers (Gell, Nibby, &c.) to the summit of the Alban hills, which rises immediately above the lake of Nemi, and is now called Monte Ariano; but there is no foundation for the ancient appellation assigned to it. Strabo (pp. 239, 240) uses 'Apreμίσιον of the temple or sanctuary itself, and the word opos in the latter passage is an interpolation. (See Groskurd and Kramer, ad loc.)

For the description of the situation and existing remains both of Aricia and Nemus, see Gell (Topogr. of Rome, pp. 103-107, 324-327) and Nibby (Dintorni di Roma, vol. i. pp. 254, 255, vol. ii. pp. 395-397.) [E. H. B.]

ARICO'NIUM (Weston, in Herefordshire), the third station of the Itinerarium Antonini, on the road from Caerleon to Silchester, between Blestum (Monmouth), and Glevum (Gloucester). [R.G.L.]

ARIGAEUM ('Apiyaîov), a city of the Paropamisus, in the extreme N. of India (properly beyond its boundary), in the NE. part of the territory of the Aspasii, who inhabited the valley of the Choës (Kameh). The inhabitants abandoned and burnt it on Alexander's approach, B. c. 327; but the place was so important, as commanding a passage from the valley of the Choës to that of the Guraeus, that Alexander assigned to Craterus the task of its restoration, while he himself pursued the fugitives. (Arrian. Anab. iv. 24.) Its site is supposed to have been at Ashira or Alichurg.

[P.S.]

ARII. [LYGп.]

ARII.

ARIMASPI ('Apuaσroi), a Scythian people.
The first extant notice of the Arimaspi is in Hero.
dotus; but, earlier than this there was the poem of
Aristeas of Proconessus, called Arimaspea (erea
'Apiμáorea, Herod. iv. 14); and it is upon the
evidence of this poem, rather than upon the inde-
pendent testimony of Herodotus, that the stranger
statements concerning the people in question rest.
Such are those, as to their being one-eyed, and as to
their stealing the gold from the Grypes; on the other
hand, however, the more prosaic parts of the Herodotean
account may be considered as the result of investi-
gations on the part of the historian himself, espe-
cially the derivation of their name. (Herod. iv. 27.)
Respecting this his evidence is, 1st, that it belonged
to the Scythian language; 2ndly, that it was a
compound of arima = one, and spou= eye; each of
these words being Scythic glosses; or, to speak more
precisely, glosses from the language of the Skoloti
(ZKÓλOTO). Hence, the name was not native; i.e.
Arim-aspi was not an Arimaspian word.

If we deal with this compound as a gloss, and
attempt to discover the existing tongue in which it
is still to be found, our results are wholly negative.
In none of the numerous languages of Caucasus, in
none of the Slavonic dialects, and in none of the
Turk and Ugrian tongues of the Lower Volga and
Don do we find either one word or the other. Yet
we have specimens of every existing form of speech
for these parts, and there is no reason to believe that
the tongue of the ancient Skoloti is extinct. On the
contrary, one of the Herodotean glosses (oior=man) |
Turk. Much, then, as it may wear the appear-
ance of cutting rather than untying the Gordian
knot, the translation of Arimaspi by Movvópaλuos
must be looked upon as an inaccuracy.

If the loss of the final -p, and the change of the
compound sibilant (a sound strange to Greek ears)
at the beginning of the word Arimas p, be admitted
as legitimate, we may find a population that, at the
present time, agrees, name for name, and place for
place, with this mysterious nation. Their native
name is Mari=men, and, as Arimaspi was not a
native name, they may have been so called in the
time of Herodotus. The name, however, by which
they are known to their neighbours is Tsheremis.
Their locality is the left bank of the Middle Volga,
in the governments of Kasan, Simbirsk, and Saratov;
a locality which is sufficiently near the gold districts
of the Uralian Range, to fulfil the conditions of the
Herodotean account, which places them north of the
Issedones (themselves north of the Scythae, or
Skoloti), and south of the Grypes. The Tsheremiss
belong to the Ugrian family; they have no appear-
ance of being a recent people; neither is there any
reason to assume the extinction of the Herodotean
Arimaspi. Lastly, the name by which they were
known to the Greeks of Olbiopolis, is likely to be
the name (allowing for change of form) by which
they are known to the occupants of the same parts
[R. G. L.]
at present.

ARIMATHEA, "A city of the Jews" (Luke,
xxiii. 51), placed by St. Jerome near Diospolis or
Lydda (Epitaph. Paul.), which would correspond
very well with the situation of Ramleh, where a late
tradition finds the city of Joseph of Arimathea. The
arguments against this hypothesis are fully stated by
Dr. Robinson. (Palestine, vol. iii. pp. 33, &c.) He
concludes that its site has not yet been identified.
[G. W.]
Some writers identify it with RAMA.

ARIMINUM.

ARI'MINUM ('Apljuvov: Eth. Ariminensis: Ri-
mini), one of the most important and celebrated
cities of Umbria, situated on the coast of the Adriatic,
close to the mouth of the river Ariminus, from which
it derived its name (Fest. s. v.), and only about
9 miles S. of the Rubicon which formed the boundary
of Cisalpine Gaul. Strabo tells us that it was ori-
ginally an Umbrian city (v. p. 217.): it must have
passed into the hands of the Senonian Gauls during
the time that they possessed the whole of this tract
between the Apennines and the sea: but we have no
B. C. 268, when the Romans, who had expelled the
mention of its name in history previous to the year
Senones from all this part of Italy, established a
colony at Ariminum. (Liv. Epit. xv.; Eutrop. ii. 16;
new settlement, close to the extreme verge of Italy
Vell. Pat. i. 14; Strab. 1. c.) The position of this
the last slopes of the Apennines descend to the
towards Cisalpine Gaul, and just at the point where
Adriatic and bound the great plains which extend
dered it a military post of the highest importance,
from thence without interruption to the Alps, ren-
and it was justly considered as the key of Cisalpine
Gaul on the one side, and of the eastern coast of
Italy on the other. (Strab. v. p. 226; Pol. iii. 61.)
At the same time its port at the mouth of the river
maintained its communications by sea with the S. of
Italy, and at a later period with the countries on the
opposite side of the Adriatic.

The importance of Ariminum was still further
increased by the opening in B. C. 221 of the Via
Flaminia which led from thence direct to Rome,
and subsequently of the Via Aemilia (B. C. 187)
which established a direct communication with Pla-
centia. (Liv. Epit. xx. xxxix. 2.) Hence we find
Roman history. As early as B. c. 225 it was occu-
Ariminum repeatedly playing an important part in
pied by a Roman army during the Gaulish war: in
B. C. 218 it was the place upon which Sempronius
directed his legions in order to oppose Hannibal in
Cisalpine Gaul; and throughout the Second Punic
War it was one of the points to which the Romans
attached the greatest strategic importance, and which
they rarely failed to guard with a considerable army.
(Pol. ii. 23, iii. 61, 77; Liv. xxi. 51, xxiv. 44.) It
is again mentioned as holding a similar place during
the Gallic war in B. C. 200, as well as in the civil
wars of Sulla and Marius, on which occasion it suf
fered severely, for, having been occupied by Carbo, it
was vindictively plundered by Sulla. (Liv. xxxi. 10,
21; Appian. B. C. i. 67, 87, 91; Cic. Verr. i. 14.)
On the outbreak of hostilities between Caesar and
Pompey, it was the first object of the former to make
himself master of Ariminum, from whence he directed
his subsequent operations both against Etruria and
Picenum. (Caes. B. C. i. 8, 11; Plut. Caes. 32; Cic.
find it conspicuous during the wars of Antonius and
ad Fam. xvi. 12; Appian. B. C. ii. 35.) So also we
war between Vitellius and Vespasian (Tac. Hist. iii.
Octavius (Appian. B. C. iii. 46, v. 33); in the civil
contest between Belisarius and the Goths. (Procop.
41, 42); and again at a much later period in the
B. G. ii. 10, 17, iii. 37, iv. 28.)

Nor was only in a military point of view that Ariminum was of importance. It seems to have been from the first a flourishing colony: and was one of the eighteen which in B.C. 209, notwithstanding the severe pressure of the Second Punic War, was still able to furnish its quota of men and money. (Liv. xxvii. 10.) It was indeed for a time reduced to a state of inferiority by Sulla, as a punishment for the

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