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Athens till the abolition of its schools of philosophy by Justinian in the sixth century. It was probably at this time that many of its temples were converted into churches. Thus the Parthenon, or temple of the Virgin-goddess, became a church consecrated to the Virgin-Mother; and the temple of Theseus was dedicated to the warrior St. George of Cappadocia. The walls of Athens were repaired by Justinian. (Procop. de Aedif. iv. 2.)

During the middle ages Athens sunk into a provincial town, and is rarely mentioned by the Byzantine writers. After the capture of Constantinople by the Latins in 1204, Boniface, Marquis of Montferrat, obtained the greater part of northern Greece, which he governed under the title of king of Thessalonica. He bestowed Athens as a duchy upon one of his followers; and the city remained in the hands of the Franks, with many alternations of fortune, till its incorporation into the Turkish empire in 1456. The Parthenon was now converted from a Christian church into a Turkish mosque. In 1687 the buildings of the Acropolis suffered severe injury in the siege of Athens by the Venetians under Morosini. Hitherto the Parthenon had remained almost uninjured for 2,000 years; but it was now reduced to a ruin by the explosion of a quantity of powder which had been placed in it by the Turks. "A few years before the siege, when Wheler, Spon, and De Nointel visited Athens, the Propylaea still preserved its pediment; the temple of Victory Apterus was complete; the Parthenon, or great temple of Minerva, was perfect, with the exception of the roof, and of the central figures in the eastern, and of two or three in the western pediment; the Ercchtheium was so little injured that it was used as the harem of a Turkish house; and there were still remains of buildings and statues on the southern side of the Parthenon. If the result of the siege did not leave the edifices of the Acropolis in the deplorable state in which we now see them, the injury which they received on that occasion was the cause of all the dilapidation which they have since suffered, and rendered the transportation of the fallen fragments of sculpture out of Turkey their best preservative from total destruction." (Leake, Topography of A them, p. 86.) Spon and Wheler visited Athens in 1675; and have left an account of the buildings of the Acropolis, as they existed before the 6iege of Morosini. In 1834 Athens was declared the capital of the new kingdom of Greece; and since that time much light has been thrown upon the topography of the ancient city by the labours of modern scholars, of which an account is given in the course of tho present article.

IU. Divisions Of The Citt.

Athens consisted of three distinct parts, united vfithin one line of fortifications. 1. The Acuorous or Polis {j) 'akoovoaij, riiiAij). From the city having been originally confined to the Acropolis, the latter was constantly called Polis in the historical period. (Thuc. ii. 15.) It is important to bear this fact in mind, since the Greek writers frequently use the word Polis, without any distinguishing epithet to indicate the Acropolis. (Aesch. Eum. 687, Dind.; Aristoph. Lysistr. 759, 911; Arrian, Anab. iii. 16.) Hence the Zeus of the Acropolis was siuvamed IIoAi«i5r, and the Athena IloAidf. At the same time it must be observed that Polis, like the word City in London, was used in a more extended significa

tion. (Leake, p. 221, note.) 2. The Asty (tj "AffTu), the upper town, in opposition tothc lower town of Peiraeeus (Xcn. IIM. ii. 4. § 10), and therefore, in its widest sense, including the Polis. Sometimes, however, the Asty is called the Lower City (^ Kotu irciAis), in opposition to the Acropolis or Upper City. To prevent confusion we shall confine the term of Polis to the Acropolis, and Asty to the Upper City as distinguished from the Peiraeeus. 3. The PoktTowks, Peiraeeus, including Munychia and Phalerura. Peiraeeus and Munychia were surrounded by the same fortifications, and were united to tho Asty by tho Long Walls. Phalerum, the ancient port-town of Athens, was also united for a time to the Asty by the Phaleric wall, but was not included within the fortifications of Peiraeeus.

The topography of these three divisions of Athens will be given in succession, after describing the walls and gates, and making some remarks upon the extent and population of the city.

IV. Walls.

The true position of the Walls of the Asty was first pointed out by Forchhammer, in his able essay on the Topography of Athens (published in the Kieler philologische Studien, Kiel, 1841). He successfully defended his views in the Zeitschrift far die Alterthumswissenschaft (1843, Nos. 69, 70), in reply to the criticisms of Curtius; and most modern scholars have acquiesced in the main in his opinions. The accompanying map of Athens, taken from Kiepert, gives tho direction of the walls according to Forchhammer's views; but as Leake, even in the second edition of his Topography, has assigned a more limited extent to the walls of the Asty, the matter must be examined at some length, as it is one of great iuiportauce for the whole topography of the city.

It is in tho direction of the western and southern portion of the walls that Forchhammer chiefly differs from his predecessors. Leake supposes that the walls built by Thcmistocles ran from the gate Dipylum across the crest of the hills of the Nymphs, of the Pnyx, and of the Museium, and then north of the Uissus, which would thus have flowed outsido the walls. This view seems to be supported by tho fact that across the crest of the hills of Pnyx and Museium, the foundations of the walls and of some of the towers are clearly traceable; and that vestiges of the walls between Museium and Enneacrunus may also be distinguished in many places. Forchhammer, on the other hand, maintains that these remains do not belong to the walls of Themistocles, but to the fortifications of a later period, probably those erected by Valerian, when the population of the city had diminished. (Zosim. i. 29.) That the walls of Themistocles must have included a much greater circuit than these rema ns will allow, may be proved by the following considerations.

Thucydides gives an exact account of tho extent of the fortifications of the Asty and the Harbours, including the Long Walls, as they existed at the beginning of the Peloponnesian war. He says (ii. 13) "the length of the Phaleric Wall (to QaXripucov Tf7xot) to the walls of the Asty was 35 stadia. The part of the walls of the Asty which was guarded was 43 stadia. The part that was left unguarded lay between the long wall and the Phaleric. Now the Long Walls (to paKph Tttxv), running down to the Peiraeeus, were 40 stadia in length, of which the outer one (to £(»0c><) was guarded. The whole circumference of Peiraceus, with Munychia, was 60 stadia, but the guarded part was only half that extent." It is clear from this passage that the Asty was connected with the port-towns by three walls, namely the Phaleric, 35 stadia long, and the two Long Walls, each 40 stadia long. The two Long Walls ran in a south-westerly direction to Pciraeeus, parallel to, and at the distance of 550 feet from one another. The Phaleric Wall appears to have run nearly due south to Phalerum, and not parallel to the other two; the direction of the Phaleric Wall depending upon the site of Phalerum, of which we shall speak under the port-towns. (See plan, p. 256.)

The two Long Walls were also called the Legs (to 2ict\T|, Strab. is. p. 395; Polyaen. i. 40; Brachia by Livy, xxxi. 26), and were distinguished as the Northern Wall (to BdfMior rttxos, Plat, de Rep. iv. p. 439) and the Southern Wall (to Novioi-, Harpocrat. s. v Aict.ueVou ; Aeschin. de Fait. Leg. § 51). The former is called by Thucydides, in the passage quoted above, the Outer (to ffatfa r), in opposition to the Inner or the Intermediate wall (to Staniaov rtixos, Harpocrat la; Plat Gorg. p.455), which lay between the Phaleric and the northern Long WalL

The northern Long Wall and the Phaleric Wall were the two built first. They are said by Plutarch to have been commenced by Cimon (Plut, dm. 13); but, according to the more trustworthy account of Thucydides they were commenced in B. c. 457, during the exile of Cimon, and were finished in the following year. (Thuc i. 107, 108 ) There can be no doubt that their erection was undertaken at the advice of Pericles, who was thus only carrying out more fully the plans of Themistoclas to make Athens a maritime power and to secure an uninterrupted communication between the city and its harbours in time of war. Between B.C. 456 and 431,—the commencement of the Peloponnesian war, —the Intermediate wall was built upon the advice of Pericles, whom Socrates heard recommending this measure in the assembly. (Plat. Gorg. p. 455; comp. Plut Per. 13; Harpocrat ».».) The object of building this intermediate wall was to render the communication between the Asty and Peiraeeus more secure. The distance between the northern Long Wall and the Phaleric was considerable; and consequently each of them required the same number of men to man them as the two Long Walls together, which were separated from one another by so small an interval. Moreover, the harbour of Phalerum was no longer used by the Athenian ships of war; and it was probably considered inexpedient to protect by the same fortifications the insignificant Phalerum and the all-important Peiraeeus.

After the erection of the Intermediate Wall, the Phaleric wall was probably allowed to fall into decay. When the Lacedaemonians took Athens, we find mention of theirdestroying only two Long Walls (Xen. Hell. ii. 2), since the communication of the Asty with the Peiraeeus depended entirely upon the Long Walls. There can be no doubt that when Conon rebuilt the Long Walls after the battle of Cnidus (b. C. 393), he restored only the Long Walls leading to Peiraeeus (Xen. Hell. iv. 8. § 10; Paus. i. 2. § 2); and it is very probable that in their restoration he used the materials of the Phaleric Wall. From the end of the Peloponnesian war, we find mention of only two Long Walls. (Comp. Lys. c. Agorat.

pp. 451, 453; Aeschin. de Fals. Leg. § 51; Liv. xxxi. 26.)

Between the two Long Walls, there was a carriage road (o^a{iT<is) leading from the Asty to Peiraeeus (Xen. Hell. ii. 4. § 10); and on either side of the road there appear to have been numerous houses in the time of the Peloponnesian war, probably forming a broad street between four and five miles in length. This may be inferred from the account of Xenophon, who relates (Hell. ii. 2. § 3) that when the news of the defeat of the Athenian fleet at Aegospotami reached Pciraeeus, " a sound of lamentation spread from the Peiraeeus through the Long Walls to the Asty, as each person announced the news to his neighbour." Moreover, it appears from a passage of Andocides {de Myst. p. 22, Keiske) that there was a Theseium within the Long Walls, which must be distinguished from the celebrated temple of Theseus in the Asty. In describing the stations assigned to the infantry, when the Boeotians advanced to the frontiers, Andocides says (I. c), that the troops in tile Asty were stationed in the Agora; those in the Long Walls, in the Theseium ; and those in Peiraeeus, in the Hippodomeian Agora. It is worth noticing that Andocides calls the Long Walls the Long Fortress (to paKpbv Teixoj), as one of tha three great garrisons of Athens.

The Long Walls were repaired more than once after the time of Conon. A long and interesting inscription, originally published by Miiller (De Munimcntia Athenarum, GBtt. 1836), and reprinted by Leake, contains a register of a contract entered into by the treasurer of the state for the repair of the walls of the Asty and Peiraeeus, and of the Long Walls. It is probable that this contract was made about B. c. 335, in order to continue the repairs which had been commenced by Demosthenes after the battle of Chaeroneia (b. C. 338). But between this time and the invasion of Attica by Philip in B. c. 200, the walls hod fallen into decay, since we read of Philip making an irruption into the space between the ruined walls ("inter angustias semiruti muri, qui brachiis duobus Piraeum Athenis jungit," Liv. xxxi. 26). Sulla in his siege of Athens (b. O. 87—86) used the materials of the Long Walls in the erection of his mounds against the fortifications of Peiraeeus. (Appian, Miihr. 30.) The Long Walls were never repaired, for Peiraeeus sank down into an insignificant place. (Strab. ix. p. 395.) The ruins (iptl-ria) of the Long Walls are noticed by Pausanias (i. 2. § 2). Their foundations may still be traced in many parts. "Of the northern the foundations, which are about 12 feet in thickness, resting on the natural rock, and formed of large quadrangular blocks of stone, commence from the foot of the Peiraic heights, at half a mile from the head of Port Peiraeeus, and are traeed in the direction of the modem road for more than a mile and a half towards the city, exactly in the direction of the entrance of the Acropolis. The southern Long Wall, having passed through a deep vegetable soil, occupied chiefly by vineyards, is less easily traceable except at its junction with the walls of Peiraeeus (not Phalerum, a< Leake says), and for half a mile from thence towards the city. Commencing at the round tower, which is situated above the northwestern angle of the Munychian (not the Phaleric) bay, it followed the foot of the hill, along the edge of the marsh, for about 500 yards; then assumed, for about half that distance, a direction to the northeastward, almost at a right angle with the preceding: from whence, as far as it is traceable, its course is exactly parallel to the northern Long Wall, at a distance of 550 feet from it," (Leake, p. 417.)

The height of the Long Walls is nowhere stated; but we may presume that they were not lower than the walls of Peiraeens, which were 40 cubits or 60 feet high. (Appian, Mithr. 30.) There were towers at the usual intervals, as we learn from the inscription already referred to.

We now return to the Walls of the Asty. It is evident that the part of the walls of the Asty, which Thucydides says needed no guard, was the part between the northern Long Wall and the Phaleric Wall. The length of this part is said by the Scholiast in Thucydides to have been 17 stadia, and the circumference of the whole wall to have been 60 stadia. Thus the circuit of the Asty was the same as the circuit of Peiraeens, which Thucydides estimates at 60 stadia. The distance of 17 stadia between the northern Long Wall and the Phaleric has been considered much too large; but it may be observed, first, that we do not know at what point the Phaleric wall joined the Asty, and, secondly, that the northern Long Wall may have taken a great bend in joining the Asty.

In addition to this we have other statements which go to show that the circuit of the Asty was larger than has been generally supposed. Thus, Dion Chrysostom says (Ora*. vL p. 87), on the authority of Diogenes of Sinope, "that the circuit of Athens is 200 stadia, if one includes the walls of the Peiraeeus and the Intermediate Walls (i. e. the Long Walls), in the walls of the city." It is evident that in this calculation Diogenes included the portions of the walls both of the Asty «nd the Peiraeeus, which lay between the Long Walls; the 60 stadia of the Asty, the 60 stadia of Peiraeeus, the 40 stadia of the northern Long Wall, and the 40 stadia of the southern Long Wall making the 200 stadia. Other statements respecting the extent of the walls of Athens are not Bo definite. Dionysius of Halicarnassus (iv. 13, ix. 68) compares the walls of Athens with those of Borne, and Plutarch (Nk. 17) with those of Syracuse; the walls of Rome being, according to Pliny (iii. 5), 23 miles and 200 paces, about 185 stadia; and those of Syracuse, according to Strabo (vi. p. 270), 180 stadia.

There are good grounds for believing that the walls of Themistocles extended from the gato called Dipylum, along the western descent of the hills of Pnyx and Muscium, including both of these hills within their circuit; that they then crossed the Hiss as near the western end of the Muscium, and ran along the heights on the left of the river, including Ardettus and the Stadium within the city; after which, making a turn to the north, they again crossed the llissus, and leaving Mt. Lycabettus on the east, they ran in a semicircular direction till they rejoined the Dipylum. (See the plan of Athens.) According to this account, the Acropolis stands in the middle of the Asty, as Strabo states, while l«ake, by carrying the walls across the crest of the hills of Pnyx and Museium, gives the city too great an extension to the east, and places the walls almost under the very heights of Lycabettus, so that an enemy from the slopes of the latter might easily have discharged missiles into the city.

It is important to show that the Muscium was within the city walls. This hill is well adapted for a fortress, and would probably have been chosen for

the citadel of Athens, if the rock of the Acropolis had not been more suitable for the purpose. Now we are told that when Demetrius Poliorcetcs delivered Athens from the tyranny of Lacharcs in B. c. 299, he first kept possession of the Peiraeens, and after he had entered the city, he fortified the Museium and placed a garrison in it. (Pans. i. 25. § 8; Plut. Demetr. 34.) Pausanias adds (/. c), that "the Museium is a hill within the ancient walls, opposite the Acropolis." Now if the Museium stood within the walls, a glnnce at the map will show that the western slopes of the Pnyx hill must also have been included within them. Moreover, we find on this hill remains of cisterns, steps, foundations of houses, and numerous other indications of this quarter having been, in ancient times, thickly inhabited, a fact which is also attested by a passage in Aeschines («"«pl rdV oU-fiatuv Twv iv rfj Tivkvi, Aesch. in Timarch. p. 10, Steph. § 81, Bckk.). There is likewise a passage in Plutarch, which cannot be understood at all on the supposition that the ancient walls ran across the crest of the Pnyx hill. Plutarch says {Them. 19), that the bema of the Pnyx had been so placed as to command a view of the sea, but was subsequently removed by the Thirty Tyrants so as to face the land, because the sovereignty of the sea was the origin of the democracy, while the pursuit of agriculture was favourable to the oligarchy. The truth of this tale may well be questioned; but if the people ever met higher on the hill (for from no part of the place of assembly still remaining can the sea be seen), they could never have obtained a sight of the sea, if the existing remains of the walls are in reality those of Themistocles.

It is unnecessary to discuss at length the direction of the walls on the south and south-eastern side of the Asty. Thucydides says (ii. 15) that the city extended first towards the south, where the principal temples were built, namely, that of the Olympian Zens, the Pythium, and those of Ge and of Dionysus; and he adds, that the inhabitants used the water of the fountain of Callirrhoe, which, from the time of the Peisistratidae, was called Enneacrunus. A southerly aspect was always a favourite one among the Greeks; and it is impossible to believe that instead of continuing to extend their city in this direction, they suddenly began building towards the north and north-east. Moreover, it is far more probable that the walls should have been carried across the hills on the south of the llissus, than have been built upon the low ground immediately at the foot of these hills. That the Stadium was within the walls may be inferred from the splendour with which it was fitted up, and also from the fact that in all other Greek cities, as far as we know, the stadia were situated within the walls. Is it likely that the fountain Callirrhoe, from which the inhabitants obtained their chief supply of water, should have been outside the walls? Is it probable that the Heliastic judges, who were sworn at Ardettus (Harpocrat, I. v.), had to go outsido the city for this purpose?

That no traces of the walls of Themistocles can be discovered will not surprise us, when we recollect the enormous buildings which have totally disappeared in places that have continued to be inhabited, or from which the materials could be carried away by sea. Of the great walls of Syracuse not a vestige remains; and that this should have been the case at Athens is the less strange, because wo know that the walla facing Hymettus and Pentelicus were built of bricks baked in the sun. (Vitruv. n. 8; Plin. xxxv. 14.)

V. EXTEXT AND PoPULATlOX.

In estimating the extent of Athens, it is not sufficient to take into account the circuit of the walls; their form must also be borne in mind, or else an erroneous opinion will bo formed of the spaco enclosed. Athens, in fact, consisted of two circular cities, each 60 stadia, or 7£ miles, in circumference, joined by a street of 40 stadia, or A\ miles, in length. With respect to tho population of Athens, it is difficult to assign tho proportions belonging to the capital and to the rest of the country. The subject lias been investigated by many modern writers, and among others by Clinton, whose calculations are the most probable.

The chief authority for the population of Attica is the census of Demetrius Phalereus, taken in B.c. 317. (Ctesiclcs, ap. Athen. vi. p. 272, b.) According to this census, there were 21,000 Athenian citizeas, 10,000 metoeci (^iroiKoi), or resident aliens, and 400,000 slaves. Now1 we may assume from various authorities, that by the term citizens all the males above the age of 20 years are meant. According to the population returns of England, tho proportion of males above the age of twenty is 2430 in 10,000. The families, therefore, of the 21,000 citizens amounted to about 86,420 souls; and reckoning the families of the metoeci in the same proportion, the total number of the free population of Attica was about 127,000 souls. These, with the addition of the 400,000 slaves, will give 527,000 as the aggregate of the whole population.

The number of slaves has been considered excessive; but it must be recollected that the agricultural and mining labour of Attica was performed by slaves; that they served as rowers on board the ships; that they were employed in manufactures, and in general represented the labouring classes of Modern Europe. We learn from a fragment of Hypereides, preserved by Suidas (s. v. i.Trvjrqtpiaaro'), that the slaves who worked in the mines and were employed in country labour, were more than 150,000. It appears from Plato (de Hep. ix. p. 578, d. e) that there were many Athenians, who possessed fifty slaves each. Lysias and Polemarchus had 120 slaves in their manufactory (Lys. c. Eratosth. p. 395); and Nicias let 1000 slaves to a person who undertook the working of a mine at Laurium. (Xenoph. de Vectig. 4.) There is therefore no good reason for supposing that the slaves of Attica are much overrated at 400,000, which number bears nearly the same proportion to tho free inhabitants of Attica, as the labouring classes bear to the other classes in Great Britain.

If we go back from tho time of Demetrius Phalereus to the flourishing period of Athenian history, we shall find the number of Athenian citizens generally computed at about 20,000, which would give abont halt' a million as the total population of Attica. Twenty thousand were said to havo been their number in the time of Cecrops (Philochorus, ap. Schol. ad Pind. 01. ix. 68), a number evidently transferred from historical times to the mythical age. In B. C. 444 they were 19,000; but upon a scrutiny undertaken by the advice of Pericles, nearly 5000 were struck off the lists, as having no claims to the franchise. (Plut. rcricl. 37; Philoch. ap. Schol. ad Aristoph. Vesp. 716.) A few years afterwards (u.g. 4*22) they had increased to 20,000 (Aristoph.

Vesp. 707); and this was the number at which they were estimated by Demosthenes in B. C. 331. (Deni. c. Aristog. p. 785.)

That the population of Attica could not have been much short of half a million may be inferred from the quantity of corn consumed in the country. In the time of Demosthenes the Athenians imported annually 800,000 medimni, or 876,302 bushels, of corn. (Dem. c. Leptin, p. 466.) Adding this to the produce of Attica, which we may reckon at about 1,950,000 medimni, the total will be 2,750,000 medimni, or 3,950,000 bushels. "This would give per head to a population of half a million near 8 bushels per annum, or 5$ medimni, equal to a daily rate of 20 ounces and 7-10ths avoirdupois, to both sexes, and to every age and condition. The ordinary full ration of corn was a choenix, or the fortyeighth part of a medimnus, or about 28£ ounces."

It is impossible to determine the exact population of Athens itself. We have the express testimony of Thucydides (ii. 14) that the Athenians were fond of a country life, and that before the Pcloponnesian war the country was decorated with houses. Some of the demi were populous: Achaniae, the large**, had in B. C. 431, 3000 hoplitcs, implying a free population of at least 12,000, not computing slaves. Athens is expressly said to have been the most populous city in Greece (Xen. Hell. ii. 3. § 24; Thuc. i. 80, ii. 64); but the only fact of any weight respecting the population of the city is the statement of Xenophon that it contained more than 10,000 houses. (Xen, Mem. iii. 6. § 14, Oecon. 8. § 22.) Clinton remarks that " London contains 7£ persons to a house; but at Paris formerly the proportion was near 25. If we take about half the proportion of Paris, and assume 12 persons to a house, we obtain 120,000 for the population of Athens; and we may perhaps assign 40,000 more for the collective inhabitants of Pciraecus, Munychia and Phalerum." Leake supposes the population of the whole city to have been 192,000; and though no certainty on the point can be attained, we cannot be far wrong in assuming that Athens contained at least a third of tho total population of Attica.

The preceding account has been chiefly taken from Clinton (F. II. vol. ii. p. 387, seq., 2nd ed.) and Leake (p. 618), with which the reader may compare the calculations of liockb. (Public Econ. of Athens, p. 30, seq., 2nd ed.) The latter wrikr reckons the population of the city and the harbours at 180,000,

VI. Gates.

Of the gates of the Astythe following are mentioned by name, though the exact position of some of them is very doubtful. We begin with the gates on the western side of the city.

1. Dipylum (Am/Ao*), originally called the Thriaxian Gate (Qpiaalai nrfAot), because it led to Thria, a demus near Elcusis (Plut- Per. 30), and also the Ceramic Gate (K«pa/««al Mito). as being the communication from the inner to the outer Cerameicus (Philostr. Vit. Soph. ii. 8; comp. PlotSull. 14), was situated at t he NW. corner of the city. The name Dipylum seems to show that it was constructed in the same manner as the pate of Megalopolis at Messenc, with a double entrance and an intermediate court. It is described by Livy (Mil. 24) as greater and wider than the other gates of Athens, and with corresponding approaches to it on cithor 8iJe; and we know from other authorities that it was the most used of all the gates. The street within the city led directly through the inner Cerameicus to the Agora; while outside the gate there were two roads, both leading through the outer Cerameicus, one to the Academy (Liv. c.; Cic. <le Fin. v. 1; Lncian, Scyth. 4), and the other to Elcusis. [See below, No. 2.] The Dipylum was sometimes called AyfiidSes Tlv\at, from the number of prostitutes in its neighbourhood. (Lncian, Dial. Mer. 4. § 3; Hesych. s. w. ArifAtdai, KepapttKifs; Schol. ad Aristoph. Equit. 769.)

It is exceedingly improbable that Pausanias entered the city by the Dipylum, as Wordsworth, Curtitts, and some other modern writers suppose. [See below, No. 3.]

2. The Sacred Gate (al 'Upal U6\tu), S. of the preceding, is identified by many modern writers with the Dipylum, but Plutarch, in the same chapter (Sull. 14), speaks of the Dipylum and the Sacred Gate as two different gates. Moreover the same writer says that Sulla broke through the walls of Athens at a spot called Heptachalcon, between the Peiraic and the Sacred Gates; a description which would scarcely have been applicable to the Heptachalcon, if the Sacred Gate had been the same as the Dipylum. [See the plan of Athens.] The Sacred Gate must have derived its name from its being the termination of the Sacred Way to Eleusis. But it appears that the road leading from the Dipylum was also called the Sacred Way; since Pausanias says (i. 36. § 3) that the monument of Anthemocritus was situated on the Sacred Way from Athens to Eleusis, and we know from other authorities that this monument was near the Dipylum or the Thriasian Gate. (Plut. Per. 30; Hesych. s. v. 'AvtejuJKpiros.) Hence, we may conclude that the Sacred Way divided shortly before reaching Athens, one road leading to the Sacred Gate and the other to the Dipylum. The Btreet within the city from the Sacred Gate led into the Cerameicus, and joined the Btreet which led from the Dipylum to the Agora. We read, that when the soldiers penetrated through the Sacred Gate into the city, they slew so many persons in the narrow streets and in the Agora, that the whole of the Cerameicus was deluged with blood, which streamed through the gates into the suburbs. (Plut. Sull. 14.)

3. The Peiraic Gate (y U(ipaiK^) TivXrj, Pint. Thes. 27, SulL 14), S. of the preceding, from which ran the ajta|iTcfr or carriage road between the Long Walls, from the Asty to the Peiraeeus. It has been already remarked that the aua£ir6s lay between the two Long Walls, and the marks of carriage wheels may still be seen upon it. It was the regular road from the Asty to the Peiraeens; and the opinion of Leake (p. 234), that even during the existence of the Long Walls, the ordinary route from the Peiraeeus to the Asty passed to the southwards of the Long Walls, has been satisfactorily refuted by Forchhainmcr (p. 296, seq.).

The position of the Peiraic Gate has been the subject of much dispute. Leake places it at some point between the hill of Pnyx and Dipylum; but we have no doubt that Forchhammer is more correct in his supposition that it stood between the hills of Pnyx and of Museium. The arguments in favour of their respective opinions are stated at length by thc^e writers. (Leake, p. 225, seq., Forchhammer, p. 296, seq.) Both of them, however, bring forward convincing arguments, that Pausanias entered

the city by this gate, and not by the Dipylum, as Wordsworth and Curtius supposed, nor by a gate between the Hill of the Nymphs and the Dipylum, as Ross has more recently maintained- (ftiss, in Kunstblatt, 1837, No. 93.)

4. The Melitian Gate (ai MfAn-£8«* riiiAai), at the SW. corner of the city, so called from the demus Melite, to which it led. Just outside this gate were the Cimonian sepulchres, in which Thucydides, as well Qa Cimon, was buried. In a hill extending westwards from the western slope of the Museium, on the right bank of the Ilissus, Forchhammer (p. 347) discovered two great sepulchres, hewn out of the rock, which he supjwses to be the Cimonian tombs. The valley of the Ilissus was here called Coele (ko/atj), a name applied as well to the district within as without the Melitian Gate. This appears from a passage in Herodotus (vi. 103), who says that Cimon was buried before the city at the end of the street called Sta Kol\7)s, by which he clearly means a street of this name within the dty» Other authorities state that the Cimonian tombs were situated in the district called Coele, and near the Melitian Gate. (Marccllin. Vit. Thuc. §§ 17, 32, 55; Anonym. Vit. Thuc. sub fin.; Paus. i. 23. § 9; Plut. Cim. *4, 19.)

Mutler erroneously placed the Peiraic Gate on the NE. side of the city.

On the southern side: —

5. The Itonian Gate (al 'Irwvlai TlvXai), not far from the Ilissus, and leading to Plialerum. The name of this gate is only mentioned in the Platonic dialogue named Axiochus (c. 1), in which Axiochus is said to live near this gate at the monument of the Amazon; but that this gate led to I'halerum is clear from Pausanias, who, in conducting his reader into Athens from Phalerum, says that the monument of Antiope (the Amazon) stood just within the gate. (Paus. i. 2. § 1.)

On the eastern side:—

6. The Gate of IHochares (al Ato^dpovs TlvKai) leading to the Lyceium, and near the fountain of Panops. (Strab. ix. p. 397; Hesych. s. v. Ilaroif.)

7. The Diomeian Gate (al At6p.ctat ITt/Aai), N. of the preceding, leading within the city to the demus Diomeia, and outside to the Cynosarges. (Steph. B. s. w. Atnuaa, Kvv6<rapy*s\ Diog. Laert. vi. 13; Plut Them. 1.)

On the northern side: —

8. The Uerian Gate (al 'Hpfeu XlvXat), or the Gate of the Dead, so called from ypia, a place of sepulture. (Harpocrat. s. v.) The site of this gate is uncertain; but it may safely be placed on the north of the city, since the burial place of Athens was in the outer Cerameicus.

9. The Achamian Gate (al 'AxapvtKal nvAcu, Hesych. s. ».), leading to Acharnae.

10. The Equestrian Gate (at 'IwirdSts riuAai, Plut. Vit. X. Orat. p. 849, c), the position of which U quite uncertain. It is placed by Leake and others on the western side of the city, but by Kiepert on the NE., to the north of the Diomeian Gate.

11. The Gate of Aegeus (al Alytas IluAcu, Plut. Thes. 12), also of uncertain site, is placed by Miiller on the eastern side; but, as it appears from Plutarch (I. c.) to have been in the neighbourhood of the Olympieium, it would appear to have been in the southern wall.

There were several other gates in the Walls of the Asty, the names of which arc unknown

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