chea or Mountainous Cilicia,-and by the Euxine on the north, between Sinope and the sea-coast of the Tibareni who were about the river Thermodon. The part west of this isthmus is called the Chersonesus, which corresponds to the country which Herodotus calls within (èvrós), that is, west of, the Halys. But in Strabo's time it was the fashion to designate this western tract as Asia within Taurus, in which he even includes Lycia (p. 534). This isthmus is called a neck (auxhv) by Herodotus; but the dimensions which he assigns to it, as they stand

journey to an active man (i. 72). He reckons a day's journey at 200 stadia (iv. 101), and at 150 stadia in another place (v. 53).

The dimensions of Cappadocia from the Pontus, that is, the province of Pontus, to the Taurus, its southern limit, are stated by Strabo to be 1800 stadia; and the length from Phrygia, its western boundary, to the Euphrates and Armenia, the eastern boundary, about 3000 stadia. These dimensions are too large. The boundary between Pontus and Cappadocia is a mountain tract parallel to the Taurus, which commences at the western extremity of Cammanene, where the hill fort Dasmenda stands (it is incorrectly printed Commagene in Casaubon's Strab. p. 540), to the eastern extremity of Laviniasene. Commagene and Laviniasene are divisions of Cappadocia. These limits do not include Cilicia Trachea, which was attached to Cappadocia; and Strabo describes this division of Cilicia under CILICIA.

B. C. 93. Upon this the Romans gave the Cappadocians permission to govern themselves as they liked, but they sent a deputation to Rome to say that they were not able to bear liberty, by which they probably meant that nothing but kingly government could secure tranquillity; upon which the Romans allowed them to choose a king from among themselves, and they chose Ariobarzanes I., called Philoromaeus on his coins. (Strab. p. 540; Justin. xxxviii. 2.) The new king was driven out of his country by Mithridates the Great, but he was restored by L. Sulla (B. C. 92). Again he was ex-in our texts, are very inexact, being only five days' pelled (B. C. 88), and again restored, B. C. 84. But this king had no rest. In B. C. 66, this "socius populi Romani atque amicus" (Cic. pro Leg. Manil. 2, 5) was again expelled by his old enemy Mithridates. He was restored by Cn. Pompeius, and resigned his troublesome throne to his son Ariobarzanes II. in B. c. 63. This Ariobarzanes II. was king of Cappadocia when Cicero was proconsul of Cilicia, B.C. 51. Cicero gave him his support (ad Att. v. 20). It seems, however, that the king whom Cicero protected may have been not Ariobarzanes II., but Ariobarzanes III. If this be so, Ariobarzanes II. died before Cicero was proconsul of Cilicia, and the reigning king in B.C. 51 was a third Ariobarzanes. (Dict. of Biogr. vol. i. p. 286.) Cicero had some very unpleasant business to transact with this king, who was a debtor to Cn. Pompeius the Great and M. Junius Brutus, the patriot. The proconsul, much against his will, had to dun the king for his greedy Roman creditors. The king was very poor; he had no treasury, no regular taxes. Cicero got out of him about 100 talents for Brutus, and the king's six months' note for 200 talents to Pompeius (ad Att. vi. 1. 3). This Ariobarzanes joined Pompeius against Caesar, who, however, pardoned him, and added to his dominions part of Armenia. (Dion Cass. xli. 63.) When L. Cassius was in Asia (B. C. 42) raising troops for the war against Antonius and Octavius, he sent some horsemen, who assassinated Ariobarzanes, on the pretext that he was conspiring against Cassius. (Appian, B. C. iv. 63.) The assassins robbed the dead king, and carried off his money and whatever else was moveable. This king was succeeded by Ariarathes VII.; but Sisinnas disputed the title with him, and M. Antonius, while passing through Asia after the battle of Philippi, gave a judgment in favour of Sisinnas, on account of the beauty of his mother Glaphyre. In B. c. 36, Antonius expelled and murdered Ariarathes, and gave the kingdom to Archelaus, a descendant of the Archelaus who was a general of Mithridates (in B.C. 88). All the kings of Cappadocia up to this Archelaus have Persian names, and probably were of Persian stock. (See Clinton, Fasti, on the kings of Cappadocia; Dict. of Biogr. vol. i. pp. 284, 285.)

Archelaus received from Augustus (B. C. 20) some parts of Cilicia on the coast, and the Lesser Armenia. (Dion Cass. liv. 9.) In A. D. 15, Tiberius treacherously invited him to Rome, and kept him there. He died probably about A.D. 17, and his kingdom was made a Roman province. (Tac. Ann. ii. 42; Dion Cass. lvii. 17; Strab. p. 534.) When Strabo wrote his description of Cappadocia, Archelaus was dead, and Cappadocia was a Roman province. It was governed by a Procurator. (Tac. Ann. xii. 49.) Cappadocia, in its widest extent, is considered by Strabo to be what he calls an isthmus of a great peninsula, this isthmus being contracted by the Gulf of Issus on the south-as far west as Cilicia Tra

The ten divisions of Cappadocia (Strab. p. 534) are, Melitene, Cataonia, Cilicia, Tyanitis, and Garsauritis, which is incorrectly written Isauritis in Casaubon's text. He calls these the divisions at or about Taurus (ai πpòs т Taupe); and he enumerates them from east to west. For Melitene was on the west bank of the Euphrates, which separated it from Sophene on the cast of the river. South-west of Melitene is the basin of Cataonia, which lies between the range of Amanus on the south, and the Antitaurus on the north. The district of Cilicia bordered on Cataonia, and it contained the town of Mazaca, afterwards Caesareia, and the lofty mountain Argaeus [ARGAEUS], the highest point of Cappadocia.

The Tyanitis, so called from Tyana, is south-west of Cilicia. Tyana was at the northern base of Taurus, and near the pass into Cilicia, called the Cilician gates. Cilicia and Tyanitis, according to Strabo, were the only divisions of Cappadocia that contained cities. Garsauritis was on the west, on the borders of Phrygia. The other five districts named by Strabo are, Laviniasene, Sargarausene, Saravene, Cammanene, and Morimene; and he names them also from east to west, or nearly so. They occupied the northern part of Cappadocia, bordering on Pontus. The position of Laviniasene is not easy to fix; but, according to Strabo's words, already cited, it must be in the north-east part of Cappadocia. It is wrongly placed in some maps. To these ten divisions were added by the Romans an eleventh, which comprised the country to the south-west about Cybistra and Castabala, and as far as Derbe, which is in Lycaonia.

Armenia Minor did not originally belong to the Roman province of Cappadocia, the limits of which Strabo has described. The Greek geographer fixes the position of Armenia Minor (p. 555) thus. South of Pharnacia and Trapezus, on the Euxine, are the Tibareni and Chaldaci, as he calls them, who extend as far south as Armenia the Less, which is a tolerably

nearly dry in summer. Strabo (p. 568) places the lake immediately south of Galatia, and bordering on Great Cappadocia, and the part of Cappadocia called Morimene. This lake then must be viewed as near the common boundary of Galatia, Phrygia, and Cappadocia.

The routes of Hamilton in Asia Minor (Researches, &c.), and of Ainsworth from Angora by Kaisariyeh to Bir (London Geog. Journal, vol. x.) contain much valuable information on the geology, and the physical geography of Cappadocia. [G. L.] CAPPADOX RIVER. [CAPPADOCIA.] CAPRA'RIA (Kampapía), a small island in the Tyrrhenian Sea, between Corsica and the coast of Etruria, still called Capraia. It is distant about 30 geographical miles from Populonium, the nearest point of the mainland, and is a rocky and elevated island, forming a conspicuous object in this part of the Tyrrhenian Sea, though only about 5 miles long by 2 in breadth. Varro, who writes the name Caprasia, tells us it was derived from the number of wild goats with which it abounded; whence also the Greeks called it AEGILIUM; but it must not be confounded with the island of IGILIUM, now Giglio, which is much further south. (Plin. iii. 6. s. 12; Ptol. iii. 1. § 78; Mela, ii. 7; Varr. R. R. ii. 3. § 3.) Rutilius tells us that it was inhabited in his time by a number of monks. (Itin. i. 435.) [E. H. B.]

CAPRA'RIA. [Baleares; FortunATAE.] CAPRASIA, a town of Bruttium, placed by the Itineraries on the road from Muranum to Consentia, and distant 28 miles from the latter city. (Itin. Ant. pp. 105, 110; Tab. Peut.) It is probably the modern Tarsia, on the left bank of the Crathis, about the required distance from Cosenza. [E. H. B.]

and its inhabitants appear to have adopted and retained to a late period the Greek customs of that people. But Augustus having taken a fancy to Capreae, in consequence of a favourable omen which he met with on landing there, took possession of it as part of the imperial domain, giving the Neapolitans in exchange the far more wealthy island of Aenaria. (Suet. Aug. 92; Dion Cass. lii. 43.) He appears to have visited it repeatedly, and spent four days there shortly before his death. (Suet. Aug. 98.) But it was his successor Tiberius who gave the chief celebrity to Capreae, having, in A.D. 27, established his residence permanently on the island, where he spent the last ten years of his life. According to Tacitus, it was not so much the mildness of the climate and the beauty of the prospect that led him to take up his abode here, as the secluded and inaccessible character of the spot, which secured him alike from danger and from observation. It was here accordingly that he gave himself up to the unrestrained practice of the grossest debaucheries, which have rendered his name scarcely less infamous than his cruelties. (Tac. Ann. iv. 67, vi. 1; Suet. Tib. 40, 43; Dion Cass. lviii. 5; Juv. Sat. x. 93.) He erected not less than twelve villas in different parts of the island, the remains of several of which are still visible. The most considerable appears to have been situated on the summit of the cliff facing the Surrentine Promontory, which, from its strong position, is evidently that designated by Pliny (iii. 6. s. 12) as the "Arx Tiberii." It is supposed also to be this one that was called, as we learn from Suetonius (Tib. 65), the "Villa Jovis." Near it are the remains of a pharos or light-house, alluded to both by Suetonius and Statius, which must have served to guide ships through the strait between this headland and the Surrentine Promontory. (Suet. Tib. 74; Stat. Silv. iii. 5. 100.)

Strabo tells us that there were formerly two small towns in the island, but in his time only one remained. It in all probability occupied the same site as the modern town of Capri. (Strab. v. p. 248.)

CA'PREAE (Kалpéai; Capri), an island off the coast of Campania, lying immediately opposite the Surrentine Promontory, from which it was separated by a strait only 3 miles in width. (Tac. Ann. iv. 67.) Pliny tells us it was 11 miles in circuit, which is very near the truth. (Pliny, iii. 6. s. 12.) Like the mountain range, which forms the southern boundary of the Bay of Naples, and of which it is, The name of Taurubulae, mentioned by Statius in fact, only a continuation, Capreae consists wholly (iii. 1. 129), appears to have been given to some of the of limestone, and is girt almost all round with pre- lofty crags and rocks that crown the island of Capri: cipitous cliffs of rock, rising abruptly from the sea, it is said that two of these still bear the names of and in many places attaining to a great elevation. Toro grande and Toro piccolo. From its rocky The western portion of the island, now called Anna character and calcareous soil Capri is far inferior in Capri (a name probably derived from the Greek fertility to the opposite island of Ischia: the epithet ai žvw Kanpéai), is much the most elevated, rising of " dites Capreae," given it in the same passage by to a height of 1,600 feet above the sea. The Statius, could be deserved only on account of the eastern end also forms an abrupt hill, with precipi- imperial splendour lavished on the villas of Tiberius. tous cliffs towards the mainland; but between the Excavations in modern times have brought to light two is a depression, or saddle, of moderate height, mosaic pavements, bas-reliefs, cameos, gems, and where the modern town of Capri now stands. The other relics of antiquity. These, as well as the preonly landing-places are two little coves on either sent state of the island, are fully described by Haside of this. drava. (Lettere sull Isola di Capri. Dresden, 1794.) [E. H. B.]

Of the history of Capreae very little is known prior to the time of Augustus. A tradition alluded to by several of the Latin poets, but of the origin of which we have no explanation, represents it as occupied at a very early period by a people called Teleboae, apparently the same whom we find mentioned as a piratical race inhabiting the islands of the Echinades, off the coast of Acarnania. (Schol. ad Apoll. Rhod. i. 747.) Virgil speaks of them as subject to a king, named Telon, whence Silius Italicus calls Capreaeantiqui saxosa Telonis insula." (Virg. Aen. vii. 735; Sil. Ital. viii. 543; Stat. Silv. iii. 5; Tac. Ann. iv. 67.) In historical times we find that the island passed into the hands of the Neapolitans,

CAPRIA LAKE. [ASPENDUS.] CAPRUS. (Káпpos: Lybtzádha), the port and island of Stageirus to the SW. of the Strymonic Gulf. (Strab. vii. p. 331; comp. Leake, Northern Greece, vol. iii. p. 166.) [E. B. J.]

CAPRUS. 1. (Kárpos, Strab. xvi. p. 738; Polyb. v. 51; Ptol. vi. 1. § 7), a river of Assyria which flowed into the Tigris, not many miles below Nineveh. Its modern name is the Lesser Zab. It is probable that the name of this, and that of the Greater Zab, the Lycus, were imported into Assyria by the Greeks from Phrygia, in which were two rivers of the same names in close propinquity the one to the other. [V.]

2. A tributary of the Maeander, rising in Phrygia. [MAEANDER.]

probably have been adopted with a view to make it
agree with the supposed date of its heroic founder
Capys; but, on the other hand, it is almost in-
possible to reconcile the date given by Cato with
what we know from other sources of the Etruscan
history, or to believe, as Velleius himself observes, that
Capua had risen within so short a period to so high
a pitch of prosperity and power. The earlier date
is adopted by Müller (Etrusker, vol. i. p. 172).
while Niebuhr follows Cato (vol. i. p. 75).
certain that under the Etruscan rule Capua was
not only the chief city of the twelve which are said
to have been founded by that people in this part of
Italy, and as such exercised a kind of supremacy over
the rest (Strab. I. c.); but that it had attained to a
degree of wealth and prosperity surpassing that of
most cities in Italy. But the luxurious and effei-
nate habits which resulted from their opulent con-
dition, unfitted the inhabitants for war, and they
were unable to cope with their more hardy neigh-
bours the Samnites, who harassed them with o

CAPSA (Ká↓a: Cafsa or Ghafsah, Ru.), an important city in the extreme S. of Numidia (aft. in Byzacium), standing in a fertile and well-watered oasis, in the midst of an arid desert abounding in serpents, SW. of Thelepte, and NW. of Tacape. Its foundation was ascribed to the Libyan Hercules, and it seems to be the Hecatompylos of Polybius (i. 73) and Diodorus (iv. 18; comp. Frag. Lib. xxiv). In the Jugurthine War it was the treasury of Jugurtha, and was taken and destroyed by Marius; but it was afterwards rebuilt, and made a colony. Its names are found on inscriptions at Cafsa. (Sallust. Jug. 89, et seq.; Flor. iii. 1; Strab. xvii. p. 831; Plin. v. 4; It. Ant. l.c.; Tab. Peut.; Ptol. iv. 3. § 39; Notit. Afr.; Shaw, p. 124, 2nd ed.). [P. S.] CAPUA (Kanúŋ: Eth. Kawvavds, or Kanunσios: in Latin Capuensis and Capuanus; but originally, Campanus, which is the only form found in Livy or Cicero: Sta Maria di Capoua), the capital of Campania, and one of the most important and cele-tinual hostilities. The Etruscans were at length brated cities of Italy. It was situated about 2 miles from the river Vulturnus, and little more than one from the foot of Mount Tifata. The origin and etymology of the name are much disputed. The most probable derivation is that adopted by Livy, from "Campus," on account of its situation in a fertile plain; it is certain that the name of Capua is found inseparably connected with that of Campania; the citizens of Capua are constantly called Campani, and the territory "Campanus ager." Thus also Virgil uses "Campana urbs " for Capua. (Aen. x. 145.) Strabo, on the other hand, derives it from "caput," as the chief city or head of the surrounding region; while others, according to custom, derived it from a founder of the name of Capys, whom some represented as the leader of the Samnite conquerors in B. c. 423, while others made him a contemporary of Aeneas, or connected him with the kings of Alba Longa. (Liv. iv. 37; Strab. v. p.242; Festus, s. v. Capua; Virg. Aen. x. 145; and Servius ad loc.; Stat. Silv. iii. 5. 77.)

There is much uncertainty also as to the time when the city first received this name: Livy expressly tells us that its Etruscan name was Vulturnum, and that it first received that of Capua from the Samnites: other writers represent Capua itself as a word of Tuscan origin. (Intpp. ap. Serv. 1. c.) The name must certainly be of greater antiquity than the date assigned to it by Livy, if we may trust to the accuracy of Stephanus of Byzantium, who cites it as used by Hecataeus, and it is not improbable that it was the Oscan name of the city long before the period of the Samnite conquest, and was only revived at that period.

Ancient writers are generally agreed in ascribing the foundation of Capua to the Etruscans: this was the statement of Cato, as well as of those authors who differed from him widely as to its date (Vell. Pat. i. 7); and is confirmed by Strabo (v. p. 242); at the same time it is not improbable that there was already an Oscan town upon the site which was selected by the Tuscans for that of their new capital of Vulturnum. The period of this foundation was a subject of great uncertainty among the ancients themselves. Cato, as we learn from Velleius, referred it to so late a period as B. C. 471; while other authors (whose names are not mentioned) assigned to it a greater antiquity than Rome, and placed the foundation about 800 B. C. The latter may very

reduced to purchase peace by admitting the Sam nites to all the privileges of citizens, and sharing with them their lands as well as their city. B the new comers were not long contented with a part only of these advantages; and they took the opprtunity of a solemn festival to surprise and massacre their Tuscan associates, and thus became sale masters of the city, B. C. 423. (Liv. iv. 37, vii. 38.) The circumstances of this revolution, as related to us, would in themselves prove that the Etruscan occupants of Capua were little more than a dominant aristocracy: the original Oscan population were so far from being expelled or destroyed by the Sam nites, that they were probably restored to greater liberty, and were blended together with their new rulers into the Campanian people. Thus it is clearly to this event that Diodorus refers when he uses the phrase that the Campanian nation now first rose into being (ruvéσrn, Diod. xii. 31). He places it, however, seventeen years earlier than Livy, or in

B. C. 440.

Capua from henceforth became an essentially Oscan city; but it is probable that the difference of origin between the Samnite rulers and the parely Oscan populace continued to influence its political condition, and that the strongly marked opposition which we find existing on many occasions betwee the knights or aristocracy and the popular party, in this as well as other cities of Campania, proceeded originally from this cause. The change of rulers did not affect the prosperity of the city, which appears to have continued to exercise a kind of supremacy over those in its neighbourhood, and increased so much in wealth and population that it is called by Livy, in B. c. 343, “urbs maxima opulentissimaque Italiae." (Liv. vii. 31.) But this wealth was without its disadvantages: eighty years' possession of Capua and its fertile territory reduced the Samnite conquerors to a state of luxury and effeminacy similar to that of their Etruscan predecessors, and rendered them equally unfit to contend with their more hardy brethren who had continued to inhabit their native mountains. (Liv. vii. 29-32.) Hence, when in B. C. 343 their assistance was invoked by the neighbouring petty tribe of the Sidicini, to protect them against the aggressions of the Samnites, though they readily undertook the task, they were totally defeated by the Samnites in the plain between Mt. Tifata and their city; and compelled to shut them

selves up within their walls, and in their turn implore the assistance of the Romans. The latter speedily relieved them from their Samnite enemies; but the citizens of Capua were very near falling victims to the treachery of a Roman garrison stationed in their city, who are said to have meditated making themselves masters of it by a massacre similar to that by which the Samnites had themselves obtained its possession. (Liv. vii. 38.) The subsequent revolt of the Campanians, their alliance with the Latins, and the defeat of their combined armies have already been related under CAMPANIA. By the treaty which followed, Capua lost the possession of the rich Falernian plain; but obtained in return the right of Roman citizenship; the knights, who had been throughout opposed to the war, receiving apparently the full franchise, while the rest of the population obtained only the "civitas sine suffragio." (Liv. viii. 11, 14; Madvig, de Colon. pp. 240, 241.) At the same time it is clear that Capua did not (like some of the cities in this condition) lose its separate municipal organisation; it continued to be governed by its own magistrates, the chief of whom bore the Oscan title of "Meddix Tuticus," and though we are told that in B. c. 317 they were reduced by internal dissensions to apply for the interference of the Roman senate, the new regulations then introduced by the praetor L. Furius appear to have been successful in restoring tranquillity. (Id. ix. 20.)

There was nothing in the condition of Capua as thus constituted to check its internal prosperity, and accordingly it was so far from declining under the Roman rule that it continued to increase in opulence: and at the period of the Second Punic War, was considered to be scarcely inferior to the two great rival cities of Rome and Carthage. (Flor. i. 16. § 6). | But this very power rendered its dependent condition more galling, and there were not wanting ambitious spirits who desired to place it on a footing at least of equality with Rome itself. The successes of Hannibal during the Second Punic War appeared to open to them a prospect of attaining this object: and shortly after the battle of Cannae (B. C. 216), the popular party in the city, headed by Pacuvius Calavius and Vibius Virrius, opened the gates of Capua to the Carthaginian general. (Liv. xxiii. 2-10.) Such was the power of Capua at this time that (including the forces of her dependent cities) she was deemed capable of sending into the field an army of 30,000 foot and 4000 horse (1b. 5): yet Hannibal seems to have derived little real additional strength from her accession: the other most considerable cities of Campania, Nola, Neapolis, and Cumae, refused to follow her example, and successfully resisted the efforts of Hannibal. The ensuing winter spent by the Carthaginian troops within the walls of Capua is said to have produced a highly injurious effect upon their discipline, and though there is the grossest exaggeration in the statements of Roman writers on this subject, it is certain that Hannibal would never again expose his soldiers to the luxuries and temptations of a winter in the Campanian capital. The operations of the following campaigns were on the whole favourable to the Roman arms: and instead of the citizens of Capua finding themselves as they had hoped placed at the head of the cities of Italy, in the spring of B.C. 212, they were themselves besieged by the Roman armies. The arrival of Hannibal from Apulia this time relieved the city, and compelled the Romans to retreat:

but no sooner had he again withdrawn his forces than the consuls Fulvius and Appius Claudius renewed the siege, and invested the city, notwithstanding its great extent, with a double line of circumvallation all round. All the efforts of Hannibal to break through these lines or compel the consuls to raise the siege, proved fruitless: famine made itself severely felt within the walls, and the Capuans were at length compelled to surrender at discretion B. C. 211.

The revolt of the faithless city was now punished with exemplary severity. All the senators, and other nobles, were put to death, or thrown into dungeons, where they ultimately perished: the other citizens were removed to a distance from their homes, the greater part of them beyond the Tiber; and the whole territory of the city confiscated to the Roman state: all local magistracies were abolished, and the mixed population of strangers, artisans, and new settlers, which was allowed to remain within the walls was subjected to the jurisdiction of the Roman praefect. (Liv. xxvi. 15, 16, 33, 34; Cic. de Leg. Agr. i. 6, 11, 28, 32.) The city itself was only spared, says Livy, in order that the most fertile lands in Italy might not be left without inhabitants to cultivate them: but its political importance was for ever annihilated, and the proud capital of Campania reduced to the condition of a provincial town of the most degraded class. The policy of the Romans in this instance was eminently successful: while the advantages which Capua derived from its position in the midst of so fertile a plain, and on the greatest high road of the empire, soon raised it again into a populous and flourishing town, and virtually, though not in name, the capital of Campania, it continued to be wholly free from domestic troubles and seditions, and its inhabitants were remarkable for their fidelity and attachment to Rome, of which they gave signal proof during the trying period of the Social War. (Cic. de Leg. Agr. ii. 33.) It is probable that they were on this occasion restored to the possession of municipal privileges, for though Velleius represents them as first recovering these, when they became a colony under Caesar, they certainly appear to have been in possession of them in the time of Cicero. (Vell. Pat. ii. 44; Cic. pro Sest. 4, in Pison. 12.) Its importance at this period is sufficiently attested by the repeated notices of it that occur during the Civil Wars of Rome. Thus it was at Capua that Sulla had assembled his army for the Mithridatic War, and from whence he turned the arms of his legions against Rome: it was here, too, that the next year Cinna first raised the standard of revolt against the Senate. (Appian, B. C. i. 56, 57, 63, 65.) Again, on the outbreak of the war between Caesar and Pompey, the partisans of the latter at first made Capua a kind of head-quarters, which they were, however, soon constrained to abandon. (Id. B. C. ii. 29, 37; Caes. B. C. i. 14; Cic. ad Att. vii. 14.) It is also mentioned on occasion of the conspiracy of Catiline, as one of the places where his emissaries were most active: in consequence of which, after the suppression of the danger, the municipality spontaneously adopted Cicero as their patron. (Cic. pro Sest. 4.)

Capua is at this time termed by the great orator "urbs amplissima atque ornatissima." (Id. de Leg. Agr. 28.) But the territory which had once belonged to it, the fertile “ager Campanus," was retained by the Romans as the property of the state, and was guarded with jealous care as one of the