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No indication is found in any ancient author of their origin or descent: but their constant association with the Volscians would lead us to refer them to a common stock with that nation, and this circumstance, as well as their position in the rugged upland districts of the Apennines, renders it probable that they belonged to the great Oscan or Ausonian race, which, so far as our researches can extend, may be regarded as the primeval population of a largo part of central Italy. They appear to have received at a later period a considerable amount of Sabine influence, and probably some admixture with that race, especially where the two nations bordered on one another: but there is no ground for assuming any community of origin (Nicbuhr, vol. i. p. 72; Abeken, Mittel Jialien, pp. 46, 47, 84).

The Aequians first appear in Roman history as occupying the rugged mountain district at the back of Tibur and Praeneste (both of which always continued to be Latin towns), and extending from thence to the confines of the Hemicans, and the valley of the Trerus or Sacco. But they gradually encroached upon their Lathi neighbours, and extended their power to the mountain front immediately above the plains of Latium. Thus Bola, which was originally a Latin town, was occupied by them for a considerable period (Liv. iv. 49): and though they were never able to reduce the strong fortress of Praeneste, they continually crossed the valley which separated them from the Alban hills and occupied the heights of Mt. Algidus. The great development of their power was coincident with that of the Volscians, with whom they were so constantly associated, that it is probable that the names and operations of the two nations have frequently been confounded. Thus Nicbuhr has pointed out that the conquests assigned by the legendary history to Coriolanus, doubtless represent not only those of the Volscians, but of the Aequians also: and the "castellum ad lacum Fucinum," which Livy describes (iv. 57) as taken from the Volscians in B. C. 405, must in all probability have been an Aequian fortress (Niebuhr, vol. i. p. 72, vol. ii. pp. 244, 259). It is impossible here to recapitulate the endless petty wars between the Aequians and Romans: the following brief summary will supply a general outline of their principal features.

The first mention of the Aequi in Roman history is during the reign of Tarquinius Priscus*, who waged war with them with great success, and reduced them to at least a nominal submission (Strab. v. p.231; Cicds Rep.n. 20). The second Tarquin is also mentioned as having concluded a peace with them, which may perhaps refer to the same transaction (Liv. i. 55; Niebuhr, vol. i. p. 359). But it was not till after the fall of the Roman monarchy that they appear in their more formidable aspect. In B. c. 494 they are first mentioned as invading the territory of the Latins, which led that people to apply for assistance to Rome: and from this time forth the wars between the Aequians and Volscians on the one side, and the Romans assisted by the Latins and Hemicans on the other, were events of almost regular and annual recurrence (" statum jam

* A tradition, strangely at variance with the other accounts of their habits and character, represents them as the people from whom the Romans derived the Jus Fctiale (Liv. i. 32; Dion. Hal. ii. 72). Others with more plausibility referred this to the Aequi Folisci (Scrv. ad Am. vii. 695).

ac prope solcnne in singulos annos bcllum,w Liv. iS15). Notwithstanding the exaggerations and poetical embellishments with which the history of these wars has been disguised, we may discern pretty clearly three different periods or phases into which they may be divided. 1. From n. c. 494 to about the time of the Decemvirate B. c. 450 was the epoch of the greatest power and successes of the Aequians. In B. c. 463 they arc first mentioned as encamping on Mount Algidus, which from thenceforth became the constant scene of the conflicts between them and the Romans: and it seems certain that during this period the Latin towns of Bola, Vitellia, Corbio, Labicum, and Pedum fell into their hands. The alleged victory of Cincinnatus in B. c. 458, on which so much stress has been laid by some later writers (Floras i. 11), appears to have in reality done little to check their progress. 2. From B. c. 450 to the invasion of the Gauls their arms were comparatively unsuccessful: and though we find them still contending on equal terms with the Romans and with many vicissitudes of fortune, it is clear that on the whole they had lost ground. The great victory gained over them by the dictator A Postumius Tubertus in B. c. 428 may probably be regarded as the turning-point of their fortunes (Liv. iv. 26—29; Diod. xii. 64; Ovid. Fait. vi. 721; Nicbuhr, vol. ii. p. 454): and the year B. c. 415 is the last in which we find them occupying their customary position on Mount Algidus (Liv. iv. 45). It is not improbable, as suggested by Niebuhr, that the growing power ol the Samnites, who were pressing on the Volscians upon the opposite side, may have drawn off the forces of the Aequians also to the support of theii allies, and thus rendered them less able to cope with tile power of Rome. But it is certain that before the end of this period most of the towns which they had conquered from the Latins had been again wrested from their hands. 3. After the invasion ol the Gauls the Aequians appear again in the field, but with greatly diininished resources: probably they Buffered severely from the successive swarms of barbanon invaders which swept over this part of Italy: and after two unsuccessful campaigns En B. c. 3S6 and 385 they appear to have abandoned the contest as hopeless: nor does their name again appear in Roman history for the space of above 80 years. But in B. c. 304 the fate of their neighbours the Hemicans aroused them to a last struggle, which terminated in their total defeat and subjection. Their towns fell one after another into the hands cf the victorious Romans, and the Aequian nation (says Livy) was almost utterly exterminated (Liv. ix. 45). This expression is however certainly exaggerated, for we find them again having recourse to arms twice within the next few years, though on both occasions without success (Liv. x. 1, 9). It was probably after the last of these attempts that they were admitted to the rights of Roman citizens: and became included in the two new tribes, the Aniensis and Terentina, which were created at this period (Cic. dc Off. i. 11; Liv. x. 9; Niebuhr, vol. iii. p. 267).

F'rom this time the name of the Aequi altogether disappears from history, and would seera to have fallen into disuse, being probably merged in that of the Latins: but those of Acquiculi and Acquiculoni still occur for the inhabitants of the upland and more secluded vallics which were not include! within the limits of Latinm, but belonged to the fourth region of Augustus: and afterwards to the provinco called Valeria. Li Imperial tunes we ew*n find the Aequiculani in the valley of the Salto conBtituting a regular municipal body, so that " Kes Publica Aeqnicnlanoruui" and a " Mnnicipium Aequicolanorum" are found in inscriptions of that period (Orell. no. 3931; Ann. dell. Imt. vol. vi. p. Ill, not.). Probably this was a mere aggregation of scattered villages and hamlets such as are still found in the district of the Cicolano. In the Liber Coloniarum (p. 255) we find mention of the " Ecicylanus ager," evidently a corruption of Aequiculanns, as is shown by the recurrence of the same form in charters and documents of the middle ages (Holsten. not. ad Cluver. p. 156).

It is not a little remarkable that the names of scarcely any cities belonging to the Aequians have been transmitted to us. Livy tells us that in the decisive campaign of B. C. 304, forty-one Aequian towns were taken by the Roman consuls (ix. 45): but he mentions none of them by name, and from the ease and rapidity with which they were reduced, it is probable that they were places of little importance. Many of the smaller towns and villages now scattered in the hill country between the vallies of the Sacco and the Anio probably occupy ancient sites: two of these, Civitella and Olevano, present remains of ancient walls and substructions of rude polygonal masonry, which may probably be referred to a very early period (Abeken, Mittel Italien, pp. 140,147; Bulletl. delL /nit. 1841, p. 49). The numerous vestiges of ancient cities found in the valley of the Salto, may also belong in many instances to the Aequians, rather than the Aborigines, to whom they have been generally referred. The only towns expressly assigned to the Acquiculi by Pliny and Ptolemy are Carseoli in the upper valley of the Turano, and Cliternia in that of the Salto. To these may be added Alba Fucensis, which we are expressly told by Livy was founded in the territory of the Aequians, though on account of its superior importance, Plinv ranks the Albenses as a separate people (Pliny iii. 12.17; Ptol.iii. l.§ 56; Liv.x. 1). Vabia, which is assigned to the Aequians by several modern writers, appears to have been properly a Sabine town. Nersae, mentioned by Virgil (Aen. vii. 744) as the chief place of the Aequiculi, is not noticed by any other writer, and its site is wholly uncertain. Besides these, Pliny (i. c.) mentions the Comini, Tadiates, Caedici, and Alfatemi as towns or communities of the Aequiculi, which had ceased to exist in his time; all four names are otherwise wholly unknown. [E. H. B.]

AEQUINOCTIUM or AEQUINOC'TIAE (Fitchament), a Roman fort in Upper Pannonia, situated upon the Danube, and according to the Notitia Imperii, the quarters of a squadron of Dalmatian cavalry. (Tab. Pent.; Itin. Antonin.) [W.B.D.]

AEROPUS, a mountain in Greek Illyria, on the river Aous, and opposite to Mount Asnaus. Aeropus probably corresponds to TrebuMn, and Asnaus to Nemertzilca. (Liv. xxxii. 5; Leake, Northern Greece, vol. i. p. 389.)

AESE'PUS (i Afornroi), a river of Northern Mysia, mentioned by Homer (/?. ii. 825, &c.) as flowing past Zeleia, at the foot of Ida; and in another passage (77. xii. 21) as one of the streams that flow from Ida. According to Strabo's interpretation of Homer, the Aesepus was the eastern boundary of Mysia. The Aesepus is the largest river of Mysia. According to Strabo, it rises in Mount Cotylus, one of the summits of Ida (p. 602), and the distance between its source and ito outlet is near 500 stadia.

It is joined on the left bank by the Careens, another stream which flows from Cotylus; and then taking a NE. and N. course, it enters the Propontis, between the month of the Gramcus and the city of Cyzicus. The modem name appears not to be clearly ascertained. Leake calls it Boilu. [G. L.] AESETINIA (Ahreprta: Eth. Aeseminus; but Pliny and laterwriters have Eserninus), a city of Samnium, included within the territory of the Pentrian tribe, situated in the valley of the Vulturnus, on a small stream flowing into that river, and distant 14 miles from Venafrum. The Itinerary (in which the name is corruptly written Serni) places it on the road from Aufidena to Bovianum, at the distance of 28 M.P. from the former, and 18 from the latter; but the former number is corrupt, as are the distances in the Tabula. (Itin. Ant. p. 102; Tab. Peut,; Plin. iii. 12. 17; Ptol. iii. 1. § 67; Sil. ItaL viii. 568.) The modem city of Isemia retains the ancient site as well as name. The first mention of it in history occurs in B. C. 295, at which time it had already fallen into the hands of the Romans, together with the whole valley of the Vulturnus. (Liv x. 31.) After the complete subjugation of the Samnitcs, a colony, with Latin rights (colonia Latina) was settled there by the Romans in B. c. 264; and this is again mentioned in B. c. 209 as one of the eighteen which remained faithful to Rome at the most trying period of the Second Punic War. (Liv. Epit. xvi. xxvii. 10; Veil. Pat. L 14.) During the Social War it adhered to the Roman cause, and was gallantly defended against the Samnite general Vettius Cato, by Marcellus, nor was it till after a long protracted siege that it was compelled by famine to surrender, B. c. 90. Henceforth it continued in the hands of tiie confederates ; and at a later period of the contest afforded a shelter to the Samnite leader, Papius Mutilus, after his defeat by Sulla. It even became for a time, after the successive fall of Corfinium and Bovianum, the head quarters of the Italian allies. (Liv. Epit. Ixxii, lxxiiL; Appian. B. C. i. 41, 51; Diod. xxxvii. Exc Phot. p. 539; Sisenna ap. Nonium, p. 70.) At this time it was evidently a place of importance and a strong fortress, but it was so severely punished for its defection by Sulla after the final defeat of the Samnitcs, that Strabo speaks cf it as in his time utterly deserted. (Strab. v. p. 238, 250.) We learn, however, that a colony was sent there by Caesar, and again by Augustus; but apparently with little success, on which account it was recolonized under Nero. It never, however, enjoyed the rank of a colony, but appears from inscriptions to have been a municipal town of some importance in the time of Trajan and the Antonines. To this period belong the remains of an aqaeduct and a fine Roman bridge, still visible; while the lower parte of the modem walls present considerable portions of polygonal construction, which may be assigned either to the ancient Samnite city, or to the first Roman colony. The modem city is still the see of a bishop, and contains about 7000 inhabitants. (Lib. Colon, pp. 233, 260; Zumpt, de Coloniu, pp. 307, 360,

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392; Inscrr. ap. Romanclli, vol. ii. pp. 470, 471; CraveiTs Abruzzi, vol. ii. p. 83; Hoare's Classical Tour, vol. i. p. 227.)

The coins of Aesemia, which are found only in copper, and have the legend Aisernino, belong to the period of the first Roman colony; the style of their execution attests the influence of the neighbouring Campania. (Millingcn, Numismatique de ntalie, p. 218.) [E. H. B.]

AE'SICA, was a Roman frontier castle in the lino of Hadrian's rampart, and probably corresponds to the site of Greatchester. It is, however, placed by some antiquaries at the Danish village of Ne~ therby, on the river Esk. It is mentioned by George of Ravenna, and in the Notitia Imperii, and was the quarters of Cohors I. Astorum. [W. B. D.]

AESIS (Afo-ii, Strab.; Aiaivos, App.), a river on the cast coast of Italy, which rises in the Apennines near Matilica, and flows into tho Adriatic, between Ancona and Sena Gallica; it is still called the Egino. It constituted in early times the boundary between the territory of the Senonian Gauls and Picenum; and was, therefore, regarded as the northern limit of Italy on the side of the Adriatic. But after the destruction of the Senones, when the confines of Italy were extended to the Rubicon, the Aesis became the boundary between the two provinces of Umbria and Picenum. (Strab. v. pp. 217, 227, 241; Plin. iii. 14. 19; Mela, ii. 4; Ptol. hi. 1. § 22, where the name is corruptly written "Ao-ios; Liv. v. 35.) According to Silius Italicus (viii. 446) it derived its appellation from a Pelasgian chief of that name, who had ruled over this part of Italy. There can be no doubt that the Aesinus of Appian (B. C. i. 87), on the banks of which a great battle was fought between Metellus and Carinas, the lieutenant of Carbo, in B. c. 82, is the same with the Aesis of other writers.

In the Itinerary we find a station (ad Aesim) at tho mouth of the river, which was distant 12 M. P. from Sena Gallica, and 8 from Ancona. (Itin. Ant. p. 316.) [E.H.B.]

AESIS or AE'SIUMCAfois, Ptol.; Afcrio*,Strab.; Eth. Aesinas, -atis), a town of Umbria situated on the N. bank of the river of the same name, about 10 miles from its mouth. It is still called Jest, and is an episcopal town of some consideration. Pliny mentions it only as an ordinary municipal town: but we learn from several inscriptions that it was a Roman colony, though the period when it attained this rank is unknown. (Inscrr. ap. Gruter. p. 446. 1, 2; Orelli, no. 3899, 3900; Zurnpt, de Colon, p. 359.) According to Pliny (II. N. xi. 42, 97) it was noted for the excellence of its cheeses.

The form Aesium, which is found only in Strabo, is probably erroneous, Mrrwv being, according to Kramer, a corrupt reading for '\aiaiov. (Strab. v. p. 227; Ptol. iii. 1.8 53; Plin. iii. 14. 19.) [E.H.B.]

AES1TAE (autitoi or hiiahaL, Ptol. v. 19. § 2; comp. Bochart. PhtUeg. a. 8), were probably the inhabitants of the region upon the borders of Chaldaea, which the Hebrews designated as the land of Uz (Job,i. 1, xv. 17; Jerem. xxv. 20), and which the 70 translators render by the word AuaiTis (comp. Winer, Bibl. Realworterb. vol. ii. p. 755). Strabo (p. 767) calls the llegioAcsitarum Marina(Maiti^). They were a nomade race, but from their possessing houses and villages, had apparently settled pastures ou the Chaldaoan bnrdiT. [W. B. 1).]

AESON or AESO'NIS (Maur, A'uravls: Eth. Ai'owios), a town of Magnesia in Thcssaly, the name of which is derived from Acson, the Cither

Jason. (Apoll. Rhod. i. 411, and SchoL; Steph. B. *.».)

AE'STUI (this is the correct reading), a people of Germany, consisting of several tribes (Acstuorum gentes), whose manners are minutely described by Tacitus (Germ. 45). They dwelt in the NE. of Germany, on the SE. or E. of the Baltic, bordering on the Venedi of Sarmatia. In their general appearance and manners they resembled the Snevi: their language was nearer to that of Britain. They worshipped the mother of the gods, in whose honour they wore images of boars, which served them as amulets in war. They had little iron, and used clubs instead of it. They worked more patiently at tilling the land than the rest of the Germans. Tbey gathered amber on their coasts, selling it for the Roman market, with astonishment at its price. They called it Glessum, perhaps Glas, i. c glass. They are also mentioned by Cassiodorus (Var. v. Ep. 2.) They were the occupants of the present coast of Prussia and Courland, as is evident by what Tacitus says about their gathering amber. Their name is probably collective, and signifies the East men. It appears to have reached Tacitus in the form Easte, and is still preserved in the modern Esthen, the German name of the Esthonians. The statement of Tacitus, that the language of the Aestui was nearer to that of Britain, is explained by Dr. Latham by the supposition that the language of the Aestui was then called Prussian, and that the similarity of this word to British caused it to be mistaken for the latter. On the various questions respecting the Aestui, see Ukert, vol. iii. pt. i. pp. 420—422, and Latham, The Germama of Tacitus, p. 166, seq. [P. S.]

AE'SULA (Eth. Aesulanus), a city of Latium, mentioned by Pliny among those which hi his time had entirely ceased to exist (iii. 5. § 9). It appears from his statement to have been one of the colonics or dependencies of Alba, but its name does not occur in the early history of Rome. In the Second Punic War, however, the Arx Aesulania is mentioned by Livy as one of the strongholds which it was deemed necessary to occupy with a garrison on the approach of Hannibal. (Liv. xxvi. 9.) The well-known allusion of Horace (Carm. iii. 29. 6) to the "declive arvum Aesulae," shows that its name at least was still familiarly known in his day, whether the city still existed or not, and points to its situation in full view of Rome, probably on the hills near Tibur. Gcll has with much probability placed it on the slope of the mountain called Monte Affliano, about 2 miles SE. of Tivoli, which is a conspicuous object in tho view from Rome, and the summit of which commands on extensive prospect, so as to render it well adapted for a look-out station. Tho Arx mentioned by Livy was probably on the summit of the mountain, and the town lower down, where Gcll observed vestiges of ancient roads, and " many foundations of the ancient walls in irregular blocks." Nibby supposes it to have occupied a hill, called in the middle ages Colle Faustiniano, which is a lower offshoot of the samo mountain, further towards tho S.; but this position docs not seem to correspond so well with the expressions cither of Livy or Horace. (Gell, Topography of Rome, p. 9; Nibby, Dintorni di iioma, vol. i. p. 32.) Velleius Paterculus (i. 14) speaks of a colony being sent in the year 246 B. c. to Aksulum; but it seems impossible that a place so close to Rome itself should have been colonized at so late a period, and that no subsequent mcntiou should be found of it; it is therefore probable that we should read Asculum. [E. H. 1!.]

AESYME. [oesyme.]

AETHAEA (Alffoio: Eth. AlBauis), a town of McssenU of unknown site, the inhabitants of whieh revolted from Sparta with the Thuriatae in B. c. 464. (Time. i. 101; Steph. B. «. t>.)

AETUI'CES, a barbarous Epirot clan, who hved by robbery, are placed by Strabo on the Thessalian side of Pindus. They are mentioned by Homer, who relates that the Centaurs, expelled by Peirithous from Mt. Pelion, took refuge among the Aethices. (Horn. II. ii. 744; Strab. pp. 327, 434; Steph. B. s. v. AldtKia.)

AETHICPIA {n Aiflioirfo, Herod, iii. 114; Dion Cass. liv. 5; Strab. pp. 2, 31, 38, &c.; Plin. 27. N. v. 8. § 8, vi. 30. S 35; Seneca, Q. N. iv. 2, &c; Steph. B.: Etk. AtBlttty, AlBunrtts, Aethiops, fem. Aidiowts: Adj. AldtoirtKos, Aethiopicus: the EusH of the Hebrews, Ezech. xxxix. 10; Job. xxviii. 19; Amos ix. 7), corresponds, in its more extended acceptation, to the modem regions of Nubia, Sennaar, Kordofan and northern Abyssinia. In describing Aethiopia however, we must distinguish between the employment of the name as an ethnic or generic designation on the one hand, and, on the other, as restricted to the province or kingdom of Meroe, or the civilised Aethiopia (ri AlSunrta vnep AtyvxTov, or A*b AtyvnTov, Herod, ii. 146; Ptol. iv. 7.)

Aethiopia, as a generic or ethnic designation, comprises the inhabitants of Africa who dwelt between the equator, the Red Sea, and the Atlantic, for Strabo speaks of Hesperian Aethiopians S. of the Pharusii and Mauri, and Herodotus (iv. 197) describes them as occupying the whole of South Libya. The name Aethiopians is probably Semitic, and if indigenous, certainly so, since the Aethiopic language is pure Semitic. Mr. Salt says that to this day the Abyssinians call themselves Itiopjawan. The Greek geographers however derived the name from aidu — and applied it to all the sun-burnt dark-complexioned races above Egypt. Herodotus (iii. 94, vii. 70) indeed speaks of Aethiopians of Asia, whom he probably so designated from their being of a darker hue than their immediate neighbours. Like the Aethiopians of the Nile, they were tributary to Persia in the reign of Darius. They were a straight-haired race, while their Libyan namesakes were, according to the historian, woolly-haired. But the expression (ov\6totov Tptx«J*a) must not be construed too literally, as neither the ancient Aethiopians, as depictured on the monuments, nor their modern representatives, the Bisharies and Shangailas, have,strictly speaking, the negro-hair. The Asiatic Aethiopians were an equestrian people, wearing crests and head armour made of the hide and manes of horses. From Herodotus (I. c.) we infer that they were a Mongobc race, isolated in the steppes of Kurdistan.

The boundaries of the African Aethiopians are necessarily indefinite. If they were, as seems probable, the ancestors of the SftanyaUas, Bishdries, and Nu Mans, their frontiers may be loosely stated as to the S. the Abyssinian Highlands, to the W. the Libyan desert, to the N. Egypt and Marmarica, and to the E. the Indian Ocean and the Red Sea. The boundaries of Aethiopia Proper, or Meroe, will admit of more particular definition.

Their Eastern frontier however being a coast line may be described. It extended from lat. 9 to lat. 24 N. Beginning at the headland of Prasum (Cape del Gardo), where Africa Barbaria commences, wo

come successively upon the promontory of Rhaptiim ('PairToV ipos), Noti Comu (NoVou itipas), Point Zingis (Zfyyls), Aromata (iptapArvv tucpov: Cape Guardafui), the easternmost point of Africa; tho headland of Elephas ('EAecpas: Djebel Feeh or Cape Felix"); Mnemium (Mnj/itiov: Cape Calmez), the extreme spur of Mt. Isium ClffioFOpoi), and, finally, the headland of Bazium, a little to the south of the Sinus Immundus, or Foul Bay, nearly in the parallel of Syene. The coast line was much indented, and contained some good harbours, Avaliticus Sinus, Aduliticus Sinus, &c, which in the Micedonian era, if not earlier, *were the emporia of an artive commerce both with Arabia and Libya. (Ptol.;Strabo; Plin.)

From the headland of Bazium to Mount Zingis, a barrier of primitive rocks interminglec vith basalt and limestone extends and rises to a height of 8000 feet in some parts. In the north of tiis range were the gold mines, from which the Aethiopians derived an abundance of that metal. Aethiopu was thus separated from its coast and harbours, vhich were accessible from the interior only by certain gorges, the caravan roads. The western slope of this range was also steep, and the streams were rapid and often dried up in summer. A tract, called tho eastern desert, accordingly intervened between the Arabian hills and the Kile and its tributary '.he Astaboras. The river system of Aethiopia differed indeed considerably from that of Egypt. The Nile from its junction with the Astaboras or Tacazzc presented, during a course of nearly 700 miles, alternate rapids and cataracts, so that it was scarcely available fur inland navigation. Its fertilising overflow was also much restricted by high escarped banks of limestone, and its alluvial deposit rarely extended two miles on either side of the stream, and more frequently covered only a narrow strip. Near the river dhourra or millet was rudely cultivated, and canals now choked up with sand, show that the Aethiopians practised the art of irrigation. Further from the Nile were pastures and thick jungle-forests, where, in the rainy seasons, the gadfly prevailed, and drove the herdsmen and their cattle into the Arabian hills. The jungle and swamps abounded with wild beasts, and elephants were both caught for sale and used as food by the natives. As rain falls scantily in the north, Aethiopia must have contained a considerable portion of waste land be&ido its eastern and western deserts. In the south the Abyssinian highlands arc the cause of greater humidity, and consequently of more general fertility. The whole of this region has at present been very imperfectly explored. The natives who have been for centuries carried off by their northern neighbours to the slave-markets are hostile to strangers. Bruce and Burckhardt skirted only the northern and southern borders of Aethiopia above Meroe: jungle fever and wild beasts exclude the traveller from the valleys of the Astapus and Astaboras: and the sands have buried most of the cultivable soil of ancient Aethiopia. Yet it is probable that two thousand years have made few changes in the general aspect of its inhabitants.

The population of this vague region was a mixture of Arabian and Libyan races in combination with the genuine Aethiopians. The latter were distinguished by well formed and supple limbs, and by a facial outline resembling the Caucasian in all but its inclination to prominent lips and a somewhat sloping forehead. The elongated Nubian eye, depictured on the monuments, is still seen in the Shangailas. As neither Greeks nor Romans penetrated beyond Napata, the ancient capital of Meroii, our accounts of the various Aethiopian tribes are extremely scanty and perplexing. Their principal divisions were the Colobi, the Blcmmyes, the Icthyophagi, the Macrobii, and the Troglodytae. But besides these were various tribes, probably however of the same stock, which were designated according to their peculiar diet and employments. The Rhizophagi or Boot-eaters, who fed upon dhourra kneaded with the bark of trees; the Creophagi, who lived on boiled flesh, and were a pa-toral tribe; the Chelenophagi, whose food was shell-fish caught in the saline estuaries; the Acridcphagi or locust-eaters; the Struthophagi and Elephantophagi, vho hunted the ostrich and elephant, and some others who, like the inhabitants of the island Gagauda took their name from a particular locality. The following, however, had a fixed habitation, although we find them occasionally mentioned at some distance from the probable site of the main tribe.

(1.) The Blummyes, and Meoababi, who dwelt between the Arabian hills and the Taeazzi were according to Qnatremere de Quincy (Memoirei eur TEgypte, ii. p. 127), the ancestors of the modern Bischaries, whom earlier writers denominateBejas or Bedjat. They practised a rude kind of agriculture; but the greater part were herdsmen, hunters, and caravan guides. [blehmyes.] (2) IcTHYorHAOt or fisheatere, dwelt on the sea coast between the Sinus Adulicus and tie Regio Troglodytica, and of all these savage races were probably the least civilised. According to Diodorus, the Icthyophagi were a degraded branch of the Troglodytae. Their dwellings were clefts and holes in the rocks, and they did not even possess any fishing implements, but fed on the fish which the ebb left behind. Yet Herodotus informs us (iii. 20) that Cambyses employed Icthyophagi from Elephantine in Upper Egypt, as spies previous to his expedition into the interior—an additional proof of the uncertain site and wide dispersion of the Aethiopian tribes. (3) The Macbobii or long-lived Acthiopians.— Of thh nation, if it were not the people of Meroe, it is impossible to discover the site. From the account of Herodotus (iii. 17) it appears that they were advanced in civilisation, since they possessed a king, laws, a prison, and a market; understood the working of metals, had gold In abundance, and had made some progress in the arts. Yet of agriculture they knew nothing, for they were unacquainted with bread. Herodotus places them on the shore of the Indian Ocean " at the furthest corner of the earth." But the Persians did not approach their abode, and the Greeks spoke of the Macrobii only from report. Bruce (ii. p. 554) places them to the north of Fazuila, in the lower part of the gold countries, Cuba and Nuba, on both sides of the Nile, and regards them as ShangaUas. (4) The TroGlodytae or cave-dwellers were seated between the Blemmyes and Megabari, and according to Agatharcides (ap. Diod. L 30. § 3, iii. 32, 33) they were herdsmen with their separate chiefs orprinces of tribes. Their habitations were not merely clefts in the rocks, but carefully wrought vaults, laid out in cloisters and squares, like the catacombs at Naples, whither in the rainy season they retired with their herds. Their food was milk and clotted blood. In the dry months they occupied the pastures which slope westward to the Astaboras and Nile.

The boundaries of Aethiopia Proper (f) Ai'Sioirla inrhp Pdyvxrov) are more easy to determine. To the south indeed they arc uncertain, but probably com

menced a little above the modern village of Khartoum, where the Bahr el Atrei, Blue or Dark River, unites with the Bahr el Abiad,or White Nile. (Lat. 15s 37' N., long. 33° E.) The desert of Bahwuda en the left bank of the Nile formed its western limit: its eastern frontier was the river Astaboras and the northern upland of Abyssinia — the tcprjuyol tin 'ApaG'tas of Diodorus (i. 33). To the N. AethiopU was bounded by a province called Dodecaschoenus or Aethiopia Aegypti—a debateable land subject sometimes to the Thebaid and sometimes to the kings of Mere*. The high civilisation of Aethiopia, as attested by historians and confirmed by its monuments, was confined to the insular area of Meroe and to Aethiopia Aegypti, and is more particularly described under the head of Meroe.

The connection between Egypt and Aethiopia was at all periods very intimate. The inhabitants of the Nile valley and of Aethiopia were indeed branches of the same Hamite stream, and differed only ;r. degree of civilisation. Whether religion and the arts descended or ascended the Nile has long been a subject of discussion. From Herodotus (ii. 29) it would appear that the worship of Ammon and Osiris (Zeus and Dionysus) was imparted by Meroe to Egypt. The annual procession of the Holy Ship, with the shrine of the Ram-headed god, from Thebes to the Libyan side of the Nile, as depicted on the temple of Kamak and on several Nubian monuments, probably commemorates the migration of Am mooworship from Meroe to Upper Egypt. Diodorus also says (iii. 3) that the people above Meroe worship Isis, Pan, Heracles, and Zeus: and his assertion would be confirmed by monuments in Upper Nubia bearing the head of Isis, &c, could we be certain of the date of their erection. The Aethiopian monarchy was even more strictly sacerdotal than that of Egypt, at least the power of the priesthood was longer undisputed. "In Aethiopia," says Diodorus (iii. 6), " the priests send a sentence of death to the king, when they think he has lived long enough. The order to die is a mandate of the gods." In the age of Ptolemy Philadelphus (b.c.284—246) however an important revolution took place. Ergamenes,a monarch who had some tincture of Greek arts and philosophy, put all the priests to death (Diod. iii. 6. § 8), and plundered their golden temple at Napata (Barkal ?). If Herodotus (ii. 100) were not imsinformed by the priests of Memphis, 18 Aethiopian kings were among the predecessors of Sesortascn. Tho monuments however do not record this earlier dynasty. Scsortasen is said by the same historian to have conquered Aethiopia (Herod, ii. 106); but his occupation must have been merely transient, since he also affirms that the country above Egypt had never been conquered (iii.21). But in the latter part of the 8th century B. c. an Aethiopian dynasty, the 25th of Egypt, reigned in Lower Egypt, and contained three kings—Sabaco, Sebichus, and Taracus or Tirhakah. At this epoch the annals of Aethiopia become connected with universal history. Sabaco and his successors reigned at Napata, probably seated at that bend of the Nile where the rockyisland of Mogreb divides its stream. The invasion of Egypt by the Aethiopian king was little more than a change of dynasty, as the royal families of the two kingdoms had previously been united by intermarriages. Bocchoris, the last Egyptian monarch of the 24th dynasty, was put to a cruel death by Sabaco, yet Diodorus (i. 60) commends the latter as exemplarily pious and merciful. Herodotus (ii. 137) represents Sabaco as substituting for criminals com

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