attain at the SE. angle an elevation of not less | adjoining the territory of the Marsians. Ptolemy than 50 feet. It has two gates, one of which, on the on the contrary reckons it as a Marsic city, as N. side, appears to have been merely a postern or do Silius Italicus and Festus (Ptol. iii. 1. § 57; sally-port, communicating by a steep and narrow Sil. Ital. viii. 506; Festus v. Albesia, p. 4, ed. subterranean passage with the platform above: the Müller): and this view has been followed by most principal entrance being on the south side, near the modern writers. The fact probably is, that it was SE. angle. The gateways in both instances are originally an Aequian town, but being situated on square-headed, the architrave being formed of one the frontiers of the two nations, and the Marsians enormous block of stone, which in the principal gate having in later times become far more celebrated is more than 15 feet in length by 5 in height. and powerful than their neighbours, Alba came to Vestiges of rude bas-reliefs may be still observed be commonly assigned to them. Pliny (H. N. iii. above the smaller gate. All these walls, as well as 12-17) reckons the Albenses as distinct both from those of the city itself, are built of the hard limestone the Marsi and Aequiculi: and it appears from inof the Apennines, in the style called Polygonal or scriptions that they belonged to the Fabian tribe, Pelasgic, as opposed to the ruder Cyclopean, and are while the Marsi, as well as the Sabines and Peligni, among the best specimens extant of that mode of were included in the Sergian. No historical menconstruction, both from their enormous solidity, and tion of Alba is found previous to the foundation of the accuracy with which the stones are fitted to- the Roman colony: but it has been generally asgether. In the centre of the platform or terrace sumed to be a very ancient city. Niebuhr even stands the modern cathedral, in all probability supposes that the name of Alba Longa was derived occupying the site of an ancient temple. The from thence: though Appian tells us on the conremains at Alatri have been described and figured trary that the Romans gave this name to their by Madame Dionigi (Viaggio in alcune Città del colony from their own mother-city (l. c.). It is more Lazio, Roma, 1809), and views of them are given in probable that the name was, in both cases, original, Dodwell's Pelasgic Remains, pl. 92–96. [E.H.B.] and was derived from their lofty situation, being ALAUNA, a town of the Unelli, as Caesar (B. G. connected with the same root as Alp. The remains ii. 34) calls the people, or Veneti, as Ptolemy calls of its ancient fortifications may however be regarded them. It is probably the origin of the modern town as a testimony to its antiquity, though we find no of Aleaume, near Valognes, in the department of special mention of it as a place of strength previous La Manche, where there are said to be Roman to the Roman conquest. But immediately after the remains. subjugation of the Aequi, in B. c. 302, the Romans hastened to occupy it with a body of not less than 6000 colonists (Liv. x. 1; Vell. Pat. i. 14), and it became from this time a fortress of the first class. In B. c. 211, on occasion of the sudden advance of Hannibal upon Rome, the citizens of Alba sent & body of 2000 men to assist the Romans in the defence of the city. But notwithstanding their zeal and promptitude on this occasion we find them only two years after (in B. C. 209) among the twelve colonies which declared themselves unable to furnish any further contingents, nor did their previous services exempt them from the same punishment with the rest for this default. (Appian, Annib. 39; Liv. xxvii. 9, xxix. 15.) We afterwards find Alba repeatedly selected on account of its great strength and inland position as a place of confinement for state prisoners; among whom Syphax, king of Numidia, Perseus, king of Macedonia, and Bituitus, king of the Arverni, are particularly mentioned. (Strab. v. p. 240; Liv. xxx. 17, 45; xlv. 42; Val. Max. ix. 6. § 3.) [G. L.] ALAUNI. [ALANI.] ALAʼZON (Plin. vi. 10. s. 11), or ALAZO'NIUS ('Aλalúvios, Strab. p. 500: Alasan, Alacks), a river of the Caucasus, flowing SE. into the Cambyses a little above its junction with the Cyrus, and forming the boundary of Albania and Iberia. Its position seems to correspond with the Abas of Plutarch and Dion Cassius. [ABAS.] [P. S.] ALAZO'NES ('Aλá(wves), a Scythian people on the Borysthenes (Dnieper), N. of the Callipidae, and S. of the agricultural Scythians: they grew corn for their own use. (Hecat. ap. Strab. p. 550; Herod. iv. 17, 52; Steph. B. s. v.; Val. Flacc. vi. 101; Ukert, vol. iii. pt. 2. p. 418.) [P.S.] ALBA DOCILIA, a town on the coast of Liguria, known only from the Tabula Peutingeriana, which places it on the coast road from Genua to Vada Sabbata. The distances are so corrupt as to afford us no assistance in determining its position: but it is probable that Cluver is right in identifying it with the modern Albissola, a village about 3 miles from Savona, on the road to Genoa. The origin and meaning of the name are unknown. (Tab. Peut.; Cluver. Ital. p. 70.) [E. H. B.] ALBA FUCENSIS or FUCENTIS ("AX6α, Strab.; "Abα ÞoÚKEVTIS, Ptol.; the ethnic Albenses, not Albani; see Varr. de L. L. viii. § 35), an important city and fortress of Central Italy, situated on the Via Valeria, on a hill of considerable elevation, about 3 miles from the northern shores of the Lake Fucinus, and immediately at the foot of Monte Velino. There is considerable discrepancy among ancient writers, as to the nation to which it belonged: but Livy expressly tells us that it was in the territory of the Aequians (Albam in Aequos, x. 1), and in another passage (xxvi. 11) he speaks of the "Albensis ager" as clearly distinct from that of the Marsians. His testimony is confirmed by Appian (Annib. 39) and by Strabo (v. pp. 238, 240), who calls it the most inland Latin city, On the outbreak of the Social War, Alba withstood a siege from the confederate forces, but it was ultimately compelled to surrender (Liv. Epit. lxxii.). During the Civil Wars also it is repeatedly mentioned in a manner that sufficiently attests its importance in a military point of view. (Caes. B. C. i. 15, 24; Appian, Civ. iii. 45, 47, v. 30; Cic. ad Att. viii. 12, A, ix. 6; Philipp. iii. 3, 15, iv. 2, xiii. 9). But under the Empire it attracted little attention, and we find no historical mention of it during that period: though its continued existence as a provincial town of some note is attested by inscriptions and other extant remains, as well as by the notices of it in Ptolemy and the Itineraries. (Ptol. I. c.; Itin. Ant. p. 309; Tab. Peut.; Lib. Colon. p. 253; Muratori, Inscr. 1021. 5, 1038. 1; Orell. no. 4166.) Its territory, on account of its elevated situation, was more fertile in fruit than corn, and was particularly celebrated for the ex town of Avezzano, on the banks of the lake Fucinus: while many marbles and other architectural ornaments were carried off by Charles of Anjou to adorn the convent and church founded by him in commemoration of his victory at Tagliacozzo, A. D. 1268. (Promis, Antichità di Alba Fucense. 8vo. Roma, 1836; Kramer, Der Fuciner See. p. 55-57;' Hoare's Classical Tour, vol. i. p. 371). [E. H. B.] ALBA HELVORUM or HELVIORUM (Plin.iii. 4. s. 5. xiv. 3. s. 4.), a city of the Helvii, a tribe mentioned by Caesar (B. G. vii. 7, 8) as separated from the Arverni by the Mons Cevenna. The modern Alps or Aps, which is probably on the site of this Alba, contains Roman remains. An Alba Augusta, mentioned by Ptolemy, is supposed by D'Anville (Notice de la Gaule Ancienne) and others to be the same as Alba Helviorum; but some suppose Alba Augusta to be represented by Aups. [G. L.] ALBA JULIA. [APULUM.] ALBA LONGA (Aλ6a: Albani), a very ancient city of Latium, situated on the eastern side of the lake, to which it gave the name of Lacus Albanus, and on the northern declivity of the mountain, also known as Mons Albanus. All ancient writers agree in representing it as at one time the most powerful city in Latium, and the head of a league or confederacy of the Latin cities, over which it exercised a kind of supremacy or Hegemony; of many of these it was itself the parent, among others of Rome itself. But it was destroyed at such an early period, and its history is mixed up with so much that is fabulous and poetical, that it is almost impossible to separate from thence the really historical elements. According to the legendary history universally adopted by Greek and Roman writers, Alba was founded by Ascanius, the son of Aeneas, who removed thither the seat of government from Lavinium thirty years after the building of the latter city (Liv. i. 3; Dion. Hal. i. 66; Strab. p. 229); and the earliest form of the same tradition appears to have assigned a period of 300 years from its foundation to that of Rome, or 400 years for its total duration till its destruction by Tullus Hostilius. (Liv. i. 29; Justin. xliii. 1; Virg. Aen. i. 272; Niebuhr, vol. i. p. 205.) The former interval was afterwards extended to 360 years in order to square with the date assigned by Greek chronologers to the Trojan war, and the space of time thus assumed was portioned out among the pretended kings of Alba. There can be no doubt that the series of these kings is a clumsy forgery of a late period; but it may probably be admitted as historical that a Silvian house or gens was the reigning family at Alba. (Niebuhr, 1. c.) From this house the Romans derived the origin of their own founder Romulus; but Rome itself was not a colony of Alba in the strict sense of the term; nor do we find any evidence of those mutual relations which might be expected to subsist between a metropolis or parent city and its offspring. In fact, no mention of Alba occurs in Roman history from the foundation of Rome till the reign of Tullus Hostilius, when the war broke out which terminated in the de. feat and submission of Alba, and its total destruction a few years afterwards as a punishment for the treachery of its general Metius Fufetius. The details of this war are obviously poetical, but the destruction of Alba may probably be received as an historical event, though there is much reason to suppose that it was the work of the combined forces of the Latins and that Rome had comparatively little share in its acomplishment. (Liv. i. 29; Dion. Hal. iii. 31; Strab. v. p. 231; Niebuhr, vol. i. p. 350, 351.) The city was never rebuilt; its temples alone had been spared, and these appear to have been still existing in the time of Augustus. The name, however, was retained not only by the mountain and lake, but the valley immediately subjacent was called the Vallis Albana, and as late as B. C. 339 we find a body of Roman troops described as encamping "sub jugo Albae Longae" (Liv. vii. 39), by which we must certainly understand the ridge on which the city stood, not the mountain above it. The whole surrounding territory was termed the "ager Albanus," whence the name of Albanum was given to the town which in later ages grew up on the opposite side of the lake. [ALBANUM.] Roman tradition derived from Alba the origin of several of the most illustrious patrician families-the Julii, Tullii, Servilii, Quintii, &c. - these were represented as migrating thither after the fall of their native city. (Liv. i. 30; Tac. Ann. xi. 24.) Another tradition appears to have described the expelled inhabitants as settling at Bovillae, whence we find the people of that town assuming in inscriptions the title of " Albani Longani Bovillenses." (Orell. no. 119, 2252.) But, few as are the historical events related of Alba, all authorities concur in representing it as having been at one time the centre of the league composed of the thirty Latin cities, and as exercising over these the same kind of supremacy to which Rome afterwards succeeded. It was even generally admitted that all these cities were, in fact, colonies from Alba (Liv. i. 52; Dion. Hal. iii. 34), though many of them, as Ardea, Laurentum, La vinium, Praeneste, Tusculum, &c., were, according to other received traditions, more ancient than Alba itself. There can be no doubt that this view was altogether erroneous; nor can any dependence be placed upon the lists of the supposed Alban colonies preserved by Diodorus (Lib. vii. ap. Euseb. Arm. p. 185), and by the author of the Origo Gentis Romanae (c. 17), but it is possible that Virgil may have had some better authority for ascribing to Alba the foundation of the eight cities enumerated by him, viz. Nomentum, Gabii, Fidenae, Collatia, Pometia, Castrum Inui, Bola, and Cora. (Aen. vi. 773.) A statement of a very different character has been preserved to us by Pliny, where he enumerates the "populi Albenses" who were accustomed to share with the other Latins in the sacrifices on the Alban Mount (iii. 5, 9). His list, after excluding the Albani themselves, contains just thirty names; but of these only six or seven are found among the cities that composed the Latin league in B. C. 493: six or seven others are known to us from other sources, as among the smaller towns of Latium*, while all the others are wholly unknown. It is evident that we have here a catalogue derived from a much earlier state of things, when Alba was the head of a minor league, composed principally of places of secondary rank, which were probably either colonies or dependencies of her own, a relation which was afterwards erroneously transferred to that subsisting between Alba and the Latin league. (Niebuhr, vol. i. pp. 202, 203, vol. ii. pp. 18-22; who, however, probably goes too far in regarding these "populi Albenses" as mere demes or townships in the territory of Alba.) From the expressions of Pliny it would seem clear that this minor confederacy co-existed with * The discussion of this list of Pliny is given under the article LATINI a larger one including all the Latin cities; for there can be no doubt that the common sacrifices on the Alban Mount were typical of such a bond of union among the states that partook of them; and the fact that the sanctuary on the Mons Albanus was the scene of these sacred rites affords strong confirmation of the fact that Alba was really the chief city of the whole Latin confederacy. Perhaps a still stronger proof is found in the circumstance that the Lucus Ferentinae, immediately without the walls of Alba itself, was the scene of their political assemblies. But If any historical meaning or value could be attached to the Trojan legend, we should be led to connect the origin of Alba with that of Lavinium, and to ascribe them both to a Pelasgian source. there are certainly strong reasons for the contrary view adopted by Niebuhr, according to which Alba and Lavinium were essentially distinct, and even opposed to one another; the latter being the head of the Pelasgian branch of the Latin race, while the former was founded by the Sacrani or Casci, and became the centre and representative of the Oscan element in the population of Latium. [LATINI.] Its name which was connected, according to the Trojan legend, with the white sow discovered by Aeneas on his landing (Virg. Aen. iii. 390, viii. 45; Serv. ad loc.; Varr. de L. L. v. 144; Propert. iv. 1. 35)—was probably, in reality, derived from its lofty or Alpine situation. The site of Alba Longa, though described with much accuracy by ancient writers, had been in modern times lost sight of, until it was rediscovered by Sir W. Gell. Both Livy and Dionysius distinctly describe it as occupying a long and narrow ridge between the mountain and the lake; from which circumstance it derived its distinctive epithet of Longa. (Liv. i. 3; Dion. Hal. i. 66; Varr. 1. c.) Precisely such a ridge runs out from the foot of the central mountain- the Mons Albanus, now Monte Cavo— parting from it by the convent of Palazzolo, and extending along the eastern shore of the lake to its north-eastern extremity, nearly opposite the village of Marino. The side of this ridge towards the lake is completely precipitous, and has the appearance of having been artificially scarped or hewn away in its upper part; at its northern extremity remain many blocks and fragments of massive masonry, which must have formed part of the ancient walls: at the opposite end, nearest to Palazzolo, is a commanding knoll forming the termination of the ridge in that direction, which probably was the site of the Arx, or citadel. The declivity towards the E. and NE. is less abrupt than towards the lake, but still very steep, so that the city must have been confined, as described by ancient authors, to the narrow summit of the ridge, and have extended more than a mile in length. No other ruins than the fragments of the walls now remain; but an ancient road may be distinctly traced from the knoll, now called Mte. Cuccú, along the margin of the lake to the northern extremity of the city, where one of its gates must have been situated. In the deep valley or ravine between the site of Alba and Marino, is a fountain with a copious supply of water, which was undoubtedly the Aqua Ferentina, where the confederate Latins used to hold their national assemblies; a custom which evidently originated while Alba was the head of the league, but continued long after its destruction. (Gell, Topogr. of Rome, p. 90; Nibby, Dintorni di Roma, vol. i. p. 61-65; Niebuhr, vol. i. p. 199.) The ALBA, territory of Alba, which still retained the name of ALBA'NA. [ALBANIA.] ALBANIA. (Kour). Later writers give the N. and W. boun- The inhabitants were a fine race of men, tall and The Albanians worshipped a deity whom Strabo identifies with Zeus, and the Sun, but above all the Moon, whose temple was near the frontier of Iberia. Her priest ranked next to the king: and had under his command a rich and extensive sacred domain, and a body of temple-slaves (iepódovλo), many of whom prophesied in fits of frenzy. The subject of such a paroxysm was seized as he wandered alone through the forests, and kept a year in the hands of the priests, and then offered as a sacrifice to Selene; and auguries were drawn from the manner of his death: the rite is fully described by Strabo. were divided into 12 hordes, each governed by its own | Ager." (Cic. de Leg. Agr. ii. 25.) During the chief, but all, in Strabo's time, subject to one king. latter period of the republic, it became a favourite Among their tribes were the Legae (Anya), whose resort of the wealthy Roman nobles, who constructed name is still preserved in Leghistan, and Gelae (гn-villas here on a magnificent scale. We read of such Aa) in the mountains on the N. and NW. (Strab. as belonging to Pompey, to Clodius-who was p. 503), and the Gerrhi (Féppo) on the river killed by Milo close to his own villa-to Brutus and Gerrhus (Ptol.). to Curio. (Cic. Or. in Pison. 31, pro Mil. 10, 19, 20, Ep. ad Att. vii. 5, ix. 15, de Orat. ii. 55; Plut. Pomp. 53.) Of these the villa of Pompey, called according to the Latin idiom "Albanum Pompeii," appears to have been the most conspicuous, and is repeatedly alluded to by Cicero. It fell after the death of Pompey into the hands of Dolabella (Cic. Philipp. xiii. 5), but appears to have ultimately passed into those of Augustus, and became a favourite place of resort both with him and his successors. (Suet. Ner. 25; Dion Cass. liii. 32, lviii. 24.) It was, however, to Domitian that it owed its chief aggrandisement; that emperor made it not merely a place of retirement, but his habitual residence, where he transacted public business, exhibited gladiatorial shows, and even summoned assemblies of the senate. (Suet. Domit. 4, 19; Dion Cass. lxvi. 9, lxvii. 1; Juv. Sat. iv.; Orell. Inscr. No. 3318.) Existing remains sufficiently attest the extent and magnificence of the gardens and edifices of all descriptions with which he adorned it; and it is probably from his time that we may date the permanent establishment there of a detachment of Praetorian guards, who had a regular fortified camp, as at Rome. The proximity of this camp to the city naturally gave it much importance, and we find it repeatedly mentioned by succeeding writers down to the time of Constantine. (Ael. Spart. Caracall. 2; Jul. Capit. Maximin. 23; Herodian. viii. 5.) It is doubtless on account of this fortified camp that we find the title of "Arx Albana" applied to the imperial residence of Domitian. (Tac. Agric. 45; Juv. Sat. iv. 145.) The origin of the Albanians is a much disputed point. It was by Pompey's expedition into the Caucasian regions in pursuit of Mithridates (B. C. 65) that they first became known to the Romans and Greeks, who were prepared to find in that whole region traces of the Argonautic voyage. Accordingly the people were said to have descended from Jason and his comrades (Strab. pp. 45, 503, 526; Plin. vi. 13. s. 15; Solin. 15); and Tacitus relates (Ann. vi. 34) that the Iberi and Albani claimed descent from the Thessalians who accompanied Jason, of whom and of the oracle of Phrixus they preserved many legends, and that they abstained from offering rams in sacrifice. Another legend derived them from the companions of Hercules, who followed him out of Italy when he drove away the oxen of Geryon; and hence the Albanians greeted the soldiers of Pompey as their brethren. (Justin. xlii. 3.) Several of the later writers regard them as a Scythian people, akin to the Massagetae, and identical with the Alani; and it is still disputed whether they were, or not, original inhabitants of the Caucasus. [ALANI.] Of the history of Albania there is almost nothing to be said. The people nominally submitted to Pompey, but remained really independent. We have no distinct evidence as to the period when the town of Albanum first arose, but there can be little doubt that it must have begun to grow up as soon as the place became an imperial residence and permanent military station. We first find it mentioned in ecclesiastical records during the reign of Constantine, and in the fifth century it became the see of a bishop, which it has continued ever since. (Nibby, vol. i. p. 79.) Procopius, in the sixth century, mentions it as a city (ñóλioμa), and one of the places occupied by Belisarius for the defence of Rome. (B. G. ii. 4.) It is now but a small town, though retaining the rank of a city, with about 5000 inhabitants, but is a favourite place of resort in summer with the modern Roman nobles, as it was with their predecessors, on account Ptolemy mentions several cities of Albania, but none of any consequence except Albana (Derbend), which commanded the great pass on the shore of the Caspian called the Albaniae or Caspiae Pylae (Pass of Derbend). It is formed by a NE. spur of Caucasus, to which some geographers give the name of Ceraunius M., which Strabo applied to the E. part of Caucasus itself. It is sometimes confounded with the inland pass, called CAUCASIAE PYLAE. The Gangara or Gaetara of Ptolemy is supposed to be Bakou, famous for its naphtha springs. Pliny mentions Cabalaca, in the interior, as the of the salubrity and freshness of the air, arising capital. Respecting the districts of Caspiene and Cambysene, which some of the ancient geographers mention as belonging to Albania, see the separate articles. (Ukert, vol. iii. pt. 2, pp. 561, &c.; Georgii, vol. i. pp. 151, &c.) [P.S.] ALBA'NIAE PORTAE. [ALBANIA, CASPIAE PORTAE.] ALBA NUM ('Aλbavóv), a town of Latium, situated on the western border of the Lacus Albanus, and on the Via Appia, at the distance of 14 miles from Rome. It is still called Albano. There is no trace of the existence of a town upon this spot in early times, but its site formed part of the territory of Alba Longa, which continued long after the fall of that city to retain the name of "Albanus from its elevated situation, and the abundance of shade furnished by the neighbouring woods. There still remain extensive ruins of Roman times; the greater part of which unquestionably belong to the villa of Domitian, and its appurtenances, including magnificent Thermae, an Amphitheatre, and various other remains. Some fragments of reticulated masonry are supposed, by Nibby, to have belonged to the villa of Pompey, and the extensive terraces now included in the gardens of the Villa Barberini, between Albano and Castel Gandolfo, though in their present state belonging undoubtedly to the imperial villa, may probably be based upon the " insanae substructiones" of Clodius alluded to by Cicero. (Pro Mil. 20.) Besides |