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within the Imaus, near the "Unknown Land;" and here, too, we find mountains of the same name (ro 'AAtwd bpn, §§ 3, 11), E. of the Hypcrborei M.; he is generally supposed to mean the N. part of the Ural chain, to which he erroneously gives a direction W. and E.

Our fullest information respecting the Alani is derived from Amnuanus Marcellinus, who flourished during the latter half of the fourth century (about 350—400). He first mentions them with the Roxolani, the Iazyges, the Maeotae, and the laxamatae, as dwelling on the shores of the l'alos Maeotis (xxii. 8. § 30) j and presently, where the Riphaci M. subside towards the Maeotis, he places the Arimphaei, and near thein the Massagetae, Alani, and Sargctae, with many other peoples little known (pbscuri, quorum nec vocabula nobis sunt nota, nec morei). Again (§ 48) on the NW. of the Euxine, about the river Tyras (Dniester), he places "the European Alani and the Costobocae, and innumerable tribes of Scythians, which extend to lands beyond human knowledge;" a small portion of whom live by agriculture; the rest wander through vast solitudes and get their fuod like wild beasts; their habitations and scanty furniture are placed on waggons made of the bark of trees; and they migrate at pleasure, waggons and all. His more detailed account of the people is given when he comes to relate that greater westward movement of the Huns which, in the reign of Valens, precipitated the Goths upon the Roman empire, A. D. 376. After describing the Huns (xxxi. 2), he says that they advanced as far as "the Alani, the ancient Massagetae," of whom he undertakes to give a better account than had as yet been published. From the Ister to the TanaTs dwell the Sauromatae; and on the Asiatic side of tho Tanais the Alani inhabit the vast solitudes of Scythia; having their name from that of their mountains (ex montium appellations cognominati, which some understand to mean that Alani comes from a/a, a word signifying a mountain). By their conquests they extended tlteir name, as well as their power, over the neighbouring nations; just as the Persian name was spread. He then describes these neighbouring nations; the Keuri, inland, near lofty mountains; the Budini and Geloni; the Agathyrsi; the Meknchlaeui and Anthropophagi; from whom a tract of uninhabited land extended E.wards to the Suae. At another part the Alani bordered on the Amazons, towards the E. (the Amazons being placed by him on the TanaTs and the Caspian), whence they were scattered over many peoples throughout Asia, as far as tho Ganges. Through these immense regions, but often far apart from one another, tho various tribes of the Alani lived a noraade life: and it was only in process of time that they came to be called by the aame name. He then describes their manners. They neither have houses nor till the land; they feed on flesh and milk, and dwell on waggons. When they come to a pasture they make a camp, by placing their waggons in a circle; and they move on again when the forage is exhausted. Their flocks and herds go with them, and their chief care is for their horses. They arc never reduced to want, for the country through which they wander consists of grassy fields, with fruit-trees interspersed, and watered by many rivers. The weak, from age or sex, stay by the waggons and perform the lighter offices; while the young men are trained together from their first boyhood to tho practice of horsemanship and a sound knowledge of

the art of war. They despise going on foot. In person they are nearly all tall and handsome; their hair is slightly yellow; they are terrible for the tempered sternness of their eyes. The lightness of their armour aids their natural swiftness; a circumstance mentioned also, as we have seen, by Arram, and by Joscphus(B.y. vii. 7. §4), from whom we find that they used the lasso in battle: Lucian, too, describes them as like the Scythians in their arms and their speech, but with shorter hair (Toxaris, 51, vol. ii. p 557). In general, proceeds Ammianas, they resemble the Huns, but are less savage in form and manners. Their plundering and hunting excursions had brought them to the Maeotis and the Cimmerian Bosporus, and even into Armenia and Media; and it is to their life in those parts that the description of Ammiauus evidently refers. Danger and war was their delight; death in battle bliss; the loss of life through decay or chance stamped disgrace on a man's memory. Their greatest glory was to kill a foe in battle, and the scalps of their slain enemies were hung to their horses for trappings. They frequented neither temple nor shrine; but, fixing a naked sword in the ground, with barbaric rites, they worshipped, in this symbol, the god of war and of their country for the time being. They practised divination by bundles of rods, which they released with secret incantations, and (it would seem) from the way the sticks fell they presaged the future. Slavery was unknown to them: all were of noble birth. Even their judges were selected for their long-tried pre-eminence in war. Several cf these particulars are confirmed by Jornandes (de Rebus Geticis, 24). Claudian also mentions the Alani as dwelling on the Maeotis, and connects them closely with the Massagetae (In Rujm. i. 312):

"Massagetes, caesamqnc bibens Maeotida Alanus."

Being vanquished by the Huns, who attacked them in the plains E. of the Tanais, the great body of the Alani joined their conquerors in their invasion of the Gothic kingdom of Hermanric (a. D. 375), of which the chief part of the European Alani were already the subjects. In the war which soon broke out between the Goths and Romans in Maesia, » many of the Huns and Alani joined the Goths, that they are distinctly mentioned among the invaders who were defeated by Theodosius, A. D. 379—382. Henceforth we find, in the W., the Alani constantly associated with the Goths and with the Vandals, so much so that Procopius calls them a tribe of the Goths (roToWw (ems: Vand. i. 3). But their movements are more closely connected with those of the Vandals, in conjunction with whom they are said to have settled in Pannonia; and, retiring thence through fear of the Goths, the two peoples invaded Gaul in 406, and Spain in 409. (Procop. /. c.; Jornandes, de Reb. Get. 31; Clinton, F. It. s. a.; comp. Gibbon, c. 30, 31.)

In 411 the Alani are found in Gaul, acting with the Burgundians, Alamanni, and Franks. (Clinton, *. a.) As the Goths advanced into Spain, 414, the Alani and Vandals, with the Silingi, retreated before them into Lusitania and Baetica. (Clinton, s. a. 416.) In the ensuing campaigns, in which the Gothic king Wallia conquered Spain (418), the Alans lost their king Ataces, and were 60 reduced in numbers that they gave up their separate nationality, and transferred their allegiance to Gunderic, the king of tho Vandals. (Clinton, s. a. 418.) After Gunderic's death, in 428, the allied barbarians partitioned Spain, the Sucvi obtaining Gallaecia, the Alani Lusitania and the province of New Carthage, and the Vandals Baetiea. (Clinton, s. a.) Most of them accompanied Geiseric in his invasion of Africa in the following year (429: Africa, VakDau), and among other indications of their continned consequence in Africa, we find an edict of Huneric addressed, in 483, to the bishops of the Vandals and Alans (Clinton, ». a.); while in Spain we hear no more of them or of the Vandals, but the place of both is occupied by the Suevi. Meanwhile, returning to Europe, at the time of Attila's invasion of the Roman empire, we find in his camp the descendants of those Alans who had at first joined the Huns; and the personal influence of Aetius with Attila obtained the services of a body of Alani, who were settled in Gaul, about Valence and Orleans. (Gibbon, c 35.) When Attila invaded Gaul, 451, he seems to have depended partly on the sympathy of these Alani (Gibbon speaks of a promise from their king Sangiban to betray Orleans); and the great victory of Chalons, where they served under Theodoric against the Huns, was nearly lost by their defection (451). Among the acts recorded of Torismond, in the single year of his reign (451—452), is the conquest of the Alani, who may be supposed to have rebelled. (Clinton, s. a.) In the last years of the W. empire the Alans are mentioned with other barbarians as overrunning Gaul and advancing even into Liguria, and as resisted by the prowess of Majorian (Clinton, s. a. 461; Gibbon, c. 36); but thenceforth their name disappears, swallowed up in the great kingdom of the Visigoths. So much for the Alani of the West

All this time, and later, they are still found in their ancient settlements in the £., between the Don and Volga, and in the Caucasus. They are mentioned under Justinian; and, at the breaking out of the war between Justin II. and Chosrocs, king of Persia, they are found among the allies of the Armenians, under their king Saroes, 572—3. (Theo • phylact. ap. Phot. Cod. lxv. p. 26, b. 37, ed.Bekker.) The Alani of the Caucasus are constantly mentioned, both by Byzantine and Arabian writers, in the middle ages, and many geographers suppose the Ossetes of Daghestan to be their descendants. The medieval writers, both Greek and Arab, call the country about the E. end of Caucasus Alania.

Amidst these materials, conjecture has naturally been busy. From the Aftghans to the Poles, there is scarcely a race of warlike horsemen which has not been identified with the Alani; and, in fact, the name might be applied, consistently with the ancient accounts, to almost any of the nomade peoples, confounded by the ancients under the vague name of Scythians, except the Mongols. They were evidently a branch of that great nomade race which is found, in the beginning of recorded history, in the NW. of Asia and the SE. of Europe; and perhaps we should not be far wrong in placing their original seats in the country of the Kirghiz Tartars, round the head of the Caspian, whence we may suppose them to have spread W.-ward round the Euxine, and especially to have occupied the great plains N. of the Caucasus between the Don and Volga, whence they issued forth into W. Asia by the passes of the Caucasus. Their permanent settlement also in Sarmatia (in S. Russia) is clearly established, and a comparison of the description of them by Ammianus Marcellinus with the fourth book of Herodotus can leave little doubt that they were a kindred race to

the Scythians of the latter, that is, the people of European Sarmatia. Of their language, one solitary relic has been preserved. In the Periplus of the Euxine ( p. 5, Hudson, p. 213, Gail) we are told that the city of Theodosia was called in the Alan or Tauric dialect 'Ap&££5a or 'Af&xuda, that is, the city of the SeVen gods. (Klaproth, Tableaux de lAsie; Bitter, Erdkunde, vol. ii. pp. 845—850; Stritter, Mem. Pop. vol. iv. pp. 232, 395; De Gnigncs, Hist, des Buns, vol. ii. p. 279; Ukert, vol. iii. pt. 2. pp. 550—555; Georgii, vol. i. p. 152, vol. ii. p. 312.) [P. S.]

ALA'NI and ALAUNI MONTES. [ala-m.]

ALA'NIA [alaki.]

ALATA CASTRA (Trrtptorbv arparoveSov,

Ptol. ii. 3. § 13), in the territory of the Vacomagi (Murray and Inverness-shire) was the northernmost station of the Romans in Britain, and near Inverness. This fort was probably raised by Lollius Urbicus after bis victories in Britannia Barbara A. D. 139, to repress the incursions of the Caledonian clans: but it was soon abandoned, and all vestige of ir obliterated. (Capitolin. Antonin. P. 5; Pausan. viii. 43. § 3.) [W. B. D.]

ALATRIUM or ALETRIUM ^AXtrptoy, Strab.; Alatrinates, Liv.; Aletrinates, Plin. et Inscr.), a city of the Hemicans, situated to the E. of the Via Latina, about 7 miles from Fercntinum, and still called AlatrL In early times it appears to have been one of the principal cities of the Hernican league, and in B. c. 306, when the general council of the nation was assembled to deliberate concerning war with Rome, the Alatrians, in conjunction with the citizens of Ferentinum and Vernli, pronounced against it. For this they were rewarded, after the defeat of the other Hernicans, by being allowed to retain their own laws, which they preferred to the Roman citizenship, with the mutual right of connubium among the three cities. (Liv. a. 42, 43.) Its name is found in Plautus (Captivi, iv. 2, 104), and Cicero speaks of it as in his time a municipal town of consideration {Or. pro Chient. 16, 17). It subsequently became a colony, but at what period we know not: Pliny mentions it only among the "oppida" of the first region: and its municipal rank is confirmed by inscriptions of imperial times (Lib. Colon, p. 230; Plin. iii. 5. 9; Inscr. ap. Gruter. pp.422. 3, 424. 7; Orelli, Inscr. 3785; Zumpt, de Colon, p. 359). Being removed from the high road, it is not mentioned in the Itineraries, but Strabo notices it among the cities of Latium, though he erroneously places it on the right or south side of the Via Latina. (v. p. 237.)

The modem town of Alairi, which contains a population of above 8000 inhabitants, and is an episcopal see, retains the site of the ancient city, on a steep hill of considerable elevation, at the foot, of which flows the little river Cosa. It has few monuments of Roman times, but the remains of its massive ancient fortifications are among the most striking in Italy. Of the walls which surrounded the city itself great portions still remain, built of large polygonal blocks of stone, without cement, in the same style as those of Signia, Norba, and Ferentinum. But much more remarkable than these are the remains of the ancient citadel, which crowned the summit of the hill: its form is an irregular oblong, of about 660 yards in circuit, constituting a nearly level terrace supported on all sides by walls of the most massive polygonal construction, varying in height according to the declivity of the ground, but which attain at the SE. angle an elevation of not less than 50 feet It has two gates, one of which, on the N. side, appears to have been merely a postern or sally-port, communicating by a steep and narrow bubterrancan passage with the platform above: the principal entrance being on the south side, near the SE. angle. The gateways in both instances are square-headed, the architrave being formed of one enormous block of stone, which in the principal gate is more than 15 feet in length by 5} in height. Vestiges of rude bas-reliefs may be still observed above the smaller gate. All these walls, as well as those of the city itself, are built of tho hard limestono of the Apennines, in tho style called Polygonal or Pclasgic, as opposed to the ruder Cyclopean, and ore among the best specimens extant of that mode of construction, both from their enormous solidity, and the accuracy with winch the stones are fitted together. In the centre of the platform or terrace stands the modem cathedral, in all probability occupying the site of an ancient temple. The remains at Alalri have been described and figured by Madame Dionigi (Viaggio in alcune Cilia del l.n-.in, Roma, 1809), and views of them ore given in Dodwell's Ptlatgic Remains, pi. 92—96. [E.H.B.]

ALAUNA, a town of the Unelli, as Caesar (B. G. ii. 34) calls the people, or Veneti, as Ptolemy calls them. It is probably the origin of the modern town of Aleaume, near Valognes, in the department of La Manche, where there are said to be Roman remains. [G. L.]

ALAUNI. [auaki.]

ALA'ZON (Plin. vi. 10. s. 11), or ALAZfTNIUS ('AAafwi'ios, Strab. p. 500: A latan, A lack*), a river of the Caucasus, Bowing SE. into the Cambysea a little above its junction with the Cyrus, and forming the boundary of Albania and Iberia. Its position seems to correspond with the Abas of Plutarch and Dion Cassius. [abas.] [P. S.]

ALAZO'NES ('AAdfcuw), a Scytliian people on the Borysthenes (Dnieper). N. of the Callipidae, and S. of the agricultural Scythians: they grew corn for their own use. (Hecat. ap. Strab. p. 550; Herod, iv. 17, 52; Steph. B. *. r.; Val. Flacc. vi. 101; Ukcrt, vol. iii. pt. 2. p. 418.) [P. S.]

ALBA DOCILLA, a town on the coast of Liguria, known only from tho Tabula Peutingeriana, which places it on the coast road from Genua to Vada Sabbata. Tho distances ore so corrupt as to afford us no assistance in determining its position: but it is probablo that Cluvcr is right in identifying it with the modem Albitsola, a village about 3 miles from Sacona, on the road to Genoa. The origin and meaning of the name are unknown. (Tab. Pcut.; Cluver. llal. p. 70.) [E. H. B.]

ALBA FUCENSIS or FUCENT1S ("AASo, Strab.; 'AASo ♦owtorii, Ptol.; the ethnic Albenses, not Albani; see Varr. de L.L. viii. § 35), an important city and fortress of Central Italy, situated on the Via Valeria, on a hill of considerable elevation, about 3 miles from the northern shores of the Lake Fucinus, and immediately at tho foot of Monte Velino. There is considerable discrepancy among ancient writers, as to the nation to which it belonged: but Livy expressly tells us that it was in the territory of the Aoquians (Albam in Aequo*, x. 1), and in another passage (xxvi. 11) he speaks of the "Albensis ager" as clearly distinct from that of the Marxians. His testimony is confirmed by Appian {Annib. 39) and by Strabo (v. pp. 238, 240), who calls it tlic most inland Latin city,

adjoining the territory of tho Marsians. Ptolemy on tho contrary reckons it as a Marsic city, as do Silius Italicus and Festus (Ptol. iii. 1. § 57; Sil. Ital. viii. 506; Festus v. Alieiia, p. 4, ed. MUller): and this view has been followed by inust modem writers. The fact probably is, that it was originally an Aequian town, hot being situated on the frontiers of the two nations, and the Marsians having in later times become far more celebrated and powerful than their neighbours, Alba came to be commonly assigned to them. Pliny (H. If. ui. 12—17) reckons the Albenses as distinct both from the Marsi and Aequiculi: and it appears from inscriptions that they belonged to the Fabian tribe, while the Marsi, as well as the Sabines and Peligni, were included in the Sergian. No historical mention of Alba is found previous to the foundation of the Roman colony: but it has been generally assumed to be a very ancient city. Niebuhr even supposes that the name of Alba Longa was derived from thence: though Appian tells us on the contrary that the Romans gave this name to their colony from their own mother-city (/. c). It is more probable that the name was, in both cases, original, and was derived from their lofty situation, being connected with the same root as Alp. The remains of its ancient fortifications may however be regarded as a testimony to its antiquity, though we find no special mention of it as a place of strength previous to the Roman conquest. But immediately after the subjugation of the Aequi, in B. C. 302, the Romans hastened to occupy it with a body of not less than 6000 colonists (Liv. x. 1; Veil. Pat. i. 14), and it became from this time a fortress of the first class. In B.C. 211, on occasion of the sudden advance of Hannibal upon Rome, the citizens of Alba sent a body of 2000 men to assist the Romans in the defence of the city. But notwithstanding their zeal and promptitude on this occasion we find them only two years after (in B.C. 209) among the twelve colonies which declared themselves unable to furnish any further contingents, nor did their previous services exempt them from the same punishment with the rest for this default. (Appian, Annib. 39; Liv. xxvii. 9, xxix. 15.) We afterwards find Alba repeatedly selected on account of its great strength and inland position as a place of confinement for state prisoners; among whom Syphax, king of Numidia, Perseus, king of Macedonia, and Bituitns, king of the Arverni, aro particularly mentioned. (Strab. v. p. 240; Liv. xxx. 17, 45; xlv. 42; Val. Max. ix. 6. § 3.)

On the outbreak of the Social War, Alba withstood a siege from the confederate forces, but it was ultimately compelled to surrender (Liv. Epit. lxxii.). During tho Civil Wars also it is repeatedly mentioned in a manner that sufficiently attests its importance in a military point of view. (Caes. B. C. i. 15, 24; Appian, Civ. iii. 45, 47, v. 30; Cic. adAtt.vm. 12, A, ix.6; Philipp. iii. 3, 15, iv. 2, xiii. 9). But under the Empire it attracted little attention, and wo find no historical mention of it during that period: though its continued existence as a provincial town of some note is attested by inscriptions and other extant remains, as well as by the notices of it in Ptolemy and the Itineraries. (Ptol. l.c; Itin. Ant. p. 309; Tab. Pent; Lib. Colon, p. 253; Muratori, Inter. 1021. 5, 1038. 1; Orell. no. 4166.) Its territory, on account of its elevated situation, was more fertile in fruit than com, and was particularly celebrated for the excellence of its nuts. (SO. ItaL viii. 506; Plin. H. If. xv. 24.) During the later ages of the Roman empire Alba seems to have declined and sunk into insignificance, as it did not become the 6ee of a bishop, nor is its name mentioned by Paulns Diaconos among the cities of the province of Valeria.

At the present day the name "f Alba is still retained by a poor village of about 150 inhabitants, which occupies the northern and most elevated summit of the hill on which stood the ancient city. The remains of the latter are extensive and interesting, especially those of the walls, which present one of the most perfect specimens of ancient fortification to he found in Italy. Their circuit is about three miles, and they enclose three separate heights or summits of the hill, each of which appears to have had its particular defences as an arx or citadel, besides the external walls which surrounded the whole. They are of different construction, and probably belong to different periods: the greater part of them being composed of massive, but irregular, polygonal blocks, in the same manner as is found in so many other cities of Central Italy: while other portions, especially a kind of advanced outwork, present much more regular polygonal masonry, but serving only as a facing to the wall or rampart, the substance of which is composed of rubble-work. The former class of construction is generally referred to the ancient or Aequiau city: tho latter to the Koman colony. (See however on this subject a paper in the Classical Museum, vol. ii. p. 172.) Besides these remains there exist also the traces of an amphitheatre, a theatre, basilica, and other public buildings, and several temples, one of which has been converted into a church, and preserves its ancient foundations, plan, and columns. It stands on a hill now called after it the Colle di S. Pietro, which forms one of the summits already described; the two others are now called the Colle diPettorino and Colle diA Ibe, the latter being the site of the modern village. (See the annexed plan). Numerous inscriptions belonging to Alba have been transported to the neighbouring

[graphic][merged small]

town of Avezxano, on the banks of the lake Fncinus: while many marbles and other architectural ornaments were carried off by Charles of Anjou to adorn the convent and church founded by him in commemoration of his victory at Tagliacozm, A.d. 1268. (Promis, Antichita di Alba Fucerat. 8ro. Koma, 1836; Kramer, Der Fvciner See. p. 55—57; Hoare's Classical Tour, vol. i. p. 371). [E. H. B.]

ALBA HELVORUM or HELVIORUM (Plm.iii. 4. s. 5. xir. 3. s. 4.), a city of the Helvii, a tribe mentioned by Caesar (2?. O. vfi. 7, 8) as separated from the Arverai by the Hons Cevenna, The modern Alps or Aps, which is probably on the site of this Alba, contains Raman remains. An Alba Augusta, mentioned by Ptolemy, is supposed by DAnville (Notice de la Gaule Ancierme) and others to be the same as Alba Helviorum; but some suppose Alba Augusta to be represented by Aupt. [G. L.]

ALBA JULIA. [apdlcm.]

ALBA LONGA ('AA*o: Albani), a very ancient city of Lathun, situated on the eastern side of the lake, to which it gave the name of Lacus Albanus, and on the northern declivity of the mountain, also known as Mons Albanus. All ancient writers agree in representing it as at one time the most powerful city in Latium, and the head of a league or confederacy of the Latin cities, over which it exercised a kind of supremacy or Hegemony; of many of these it was itself the parent, among others of Rome itself. But it was destroyed at such an early period, and its history is mixed up with so much that is fabulous and poetical, that it is almost impossible to separate from theme the really historical elements.

According to the legendary history universally adopted by Greek and Roman writers, Alba was founded by Ascanius, tho son of Aeneas, who removed thither the seat of government from Lavinium thirty years after the building of the latter city (Liv. i. 3; Dion. HaL i. 66; Strab. p. 229); and I ho earliest form of the same tradition appears to have assigned a period of 300 years from its foundation to that of Rome, or 400 years for its total duration till its destruction by Tnllus Hostilios. (Liv. i. 29; Justin. xliiL 1; Virg. Aen. i. 272; Niebuhr, vol. i. p. 205.) The former interval was afterwards extended to 360 years in order to square with the date assigned by Greek chronologers to the Trojan war, and the space of time thus assumed was portioned out among the pretended kings of Alba. There can be no doubt that the series of these kings is a clumsy forgery of a late period; but it may probably be admitted as historical that a Silvian house or gens was the reigning family at Alba. (Niebubr, I. e.) From this house the Romans derived the origin of their own founder Romulus; but Rome itself was not a colony of Alba in the strict sense of the term; nor do we find any evidence of those mutual relations which might be expected to subsist between a metropolis or parent city and its offspring. In fact, no mention of Alba occurs in Roman history from tho foundation of Rome till the reign of Tullus Hostilins, when the war broke out which terminated in the de • feat and submission of Alba, and its total destruction a few years afterwards as a punishment for the treachery of its general Metius Fnfetius. The details of this war are obviously poetical, but the destruction of Alba may probably be received as an historical event, though there is much reason to suppose that it was the work of the combined forces of the Latins, and that Rome had comparatively little share in it) acomplishment (Liv. i. 29; Dion. Hal. iii. 31; Strab. v. p. 231; Niebuhr, vol. i. p. 350,351.) The city was never rebuilt; its temples alone had been spared, and these appear to have been still existing in the time of Augustus. The name, however, was retained not only by the mountain and lake, but the valley immediately subjacent was called the Vallis Albana, and as late as u. c. 339 we find a body of Roman troops described as encamping "sub jugo Albae Longae" (Liv. vii. 39), by which wo must certainly understand the ridge on which the city stood, not the mountain above it. The whole surrounding territory was termed the " ager Albanus," whence the name of Albanum was given to the town which in later ages grew up on the opposite side of the lake. [albanum.] Roman tradition derived from Alba the origin of several of the most illustrious patrician families—the Julii, Tullii, Servilii, Quintii, &c. — these were represented as migrating thither after the fall of their native city. (Liv. i. 30; Tac. Ann. xi. 24.) Another tradition appears to have described the expelled inhabitants as settling at Bovillae, whence wo find the people of that town assuming in inscriptions the title of '* Albani Longani Bovillenses." (Orell. no. 119, 2252.)

But, few as are the historical events related of Alba, all authorities concur in representing it as having been at one time the centre of the league composed of the thirty Latin cities, and as exercising over these the same kind of supremacy to which Rome afterwards succeeded. It was even generally admitted that all tlicse cities were, in fact, colonies from Alba (Liv. i. 52; Dion. Hal. iii. 34), though many of them, as Ardea, Laurentum, La-vininm, Praeneste, Tusculum, &c., were, according to other received traditions, more ancient than Alba itself. There can be no doubt that this view was altogether erroneous; nor can any dependence be placed upon the lists of the supposed Allan colonies preserved by Diodorus (Lib. vii. ap. Euseb. Arm. p. 185), and by the author of the Origo Gentis Romance (c. 17), but it is possible that Virgil may have had some better authority for ascribing to Alba the foundation of the eight cities enumerated by him, viz. Nomentum, Gabii, Fidenae, Collatia, Pometia, Castrum Inui, Bola, and Cora. (Aen. vi. 773.) A statement of a very different character has been preserved to us by Pliny, where he enumerates the "populi Albenses" who were accustomed to share with the other Latins in the sacrifices on the Alban Mount (iii. 5, 9). His lilt, after excluding the Albani themselves, contains just thirty names; but of these only six or seven are found among the cities that composed the Lathi league in B. c. 493: six or seven others are known to us from other sources, as among the smaller towns of Latium*, while all the others are wholly unknown. It is evident that we have here a catalogue derived from a much earlier state of things, when Alba was the head of a minor league, composed principally of places of secondary rank, which were probably either colonies or dependencies of her own, a relation which was afterwards erroneously transferred to that subsisting between Alba and the Latin league. (Niebuhr, vol. i. pp. 202,203, vol. ii. pp. 18—22; who, however, probably goes too far in regarding these " populi Albenses " as mere denies or townships in the territory of Alba.) From the expressions of Pliny it would seem dear that this minor confederacy co-existed with

* The discussion of this list of Pliny is given under the article Latisl

a larger one including all the Latin cities; for there can be no doubt that the common sacrifices on the . Alban Mount were typical of such a bond of union among the states that partook of them; and the fart that the sanctuary on the Mons Albanus was the scene of these sacred rites affords strong confirmation of the fact that Alba was really the chief city of the whole Latin confederacy. Perhaps a still stronger proof is found in the circumstance that the Lucus Ferentinae, immediately without the walls of Alba itself, was the scene of their political assemblies.

If any historical meaning or value could be attached to the Trojan legend, we should be led to connect the origin of Alba with that of Lavinium, and to ascribe them both to a Pelasgian source. But there are certainly strong reasons for the contrary view adopted by Niebuhr, according to which Alba and Lavinium were essentially distinct, and even opposed to one another; the latter being the head of the Pelasgian branch of the Latin race, while the former was founded by the Sacrani or Casci, and became the centre and representative of the Oscan element in the population of Latium. [latini.] Its name —which was connected, according to the Trojan legend, with the white sow discovered by Aeneas on his landing (Virg. Aen. iii. 390, viii. 45; Serv. ad foe.; Varr. deL.L.v. 144; Propert. iv. 1. 35) — was probably, in reality, derived from its lofty or Alpine situation.

The site of Alba Longa, though described with much accuracy by ancient writers, had been in modern times lost sight of, until it was rediscovered by Sir W. Gell. Both Livy and Dionysius distinctly describe it as occupying a long and narrow ridge between the mountain and the lake; from which circumstance it derived its distinctive epithet of Longa. (Liv. i. 3; Dion. Hal. i. 66; Varr. I. c.) Precisely such a ridge runs out from the foot of the central mountain — the Mons Albanus, now Monte Cam— parting from it by the convent of Palazeoh, and extending along the eastern shore of the lake to its north-eastern extremity, nearly opposite the village of Marino. The side of this ridge towards the lake is completely precipitous, and has the appearance of having been artificially scarped or hewn away in its upper part; at its northern extremity remain many blocks and fragments of massive masonry, which must have formed part of the ancient walls: at the opposite end, nearest to Palaaolo, is a commanding knoll forming the termination of tho ridge in that direction, which probably was the site of the Arx, or citadel. The declivity towards the E. and NE. is less abrupt than towards the lake, but still very steep, so that the city must have been confined, as described by ancient authors, to the narrow summit of the ridge, and have extended more than a mile in length. No other ruins than the fragments of the walls now remain; but an ancient road may be distinctly traced from the knoll, now called Mte. Cvccu, along the margin of the lake to the northern extremity of the city, where one of its gates must have been situated. In the deep valley or ravine between the site of Alba and Marino, is a fountain with a copious Bupplyof water, which was undoubtedly the Aqua, Ferentina, where the confederate Latins used to hold their national assemblies; a custom which evidently originated while Alba was the head of the league, but continued long after its destruction. (Gell, Topogr. of Rome, p. 90; Nibby, Dintorni di Roma, vol. i. p. 61—65; Niebuhr, vol. i. p. 199.) The

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