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openly profeffes himself to be a friend to the cause of the Earl of Bola He is not, however, so blindly attached to that nobleman's cause, as not to see the error of his Lord thip's conduct, in one very material refpect, his avowed contempt of popularity ; on which he makes the fol. lowing remark, thus introduced : · When I wrote my letter*, as well as when I saw the extract of it in print, the E- of B-e had never had any direct nor indirect knowledge of my being one of his advocates ; that long before, and ever since, I never had the least intercourse, with himself, and very, very little with any of his friends; and that it is not a very long while ago, that by the means of some of the latter, I did send him very freely my fincere opinion on his unaccountable neglect, in sufiering the people to concinue in that unjust, unfortunate, and dangerous odium, which they had been, and were still daily inspired with, against bim, by so much public calumny, Nander, and abuse, as the news-papers were filled with ; and that I thought it high time, and his duty towards his k-g and country, as well as himself and family, to viodicate his honour and reputation, in the same public manner as they had been atracked. ". . .
• Whether this has had any effect upon his own mind, Fhave not been able to learn ; but I have since seen with pleasure, that there have already appeared in your papers, other such convincing justifications of his charac.. ter and conduct, that unless the public should read nothing but the unwarranted, unsupported (though thousand times repeated) lies, that are th: own out against him ; and prefer the false wit and ridicule with which they are kept up, to the authentic facts and sound arguments which have apveared in his defence, it is impoflible that the nation can still persilt in an odium, founded upon nothing but detected and confuted lander and calumny. The Earl has always been blamed, by many of his friends, from the moment he appeared on the stage, for not having minded, enough the dangerous effects which the full scope and impunity of such infamous, and unexampled abuse, .would at, last produce amongst the generality of the people. He ought to have taken up the cudgels and thrust them into the hands of the ableft pen-men he could get, whether volunteers or.mercenaries, for the vindication of his majefty's confidence in his counsels, as well as for the honour of government and his own reputation. He was, unfortunately for this kingdom, 100 much the man of honour, for using the means and tools employed by ministers in sup. port of their power : he scorned too much the mean and nauseous talk of purchasing men whom he could not but despise, at the expence of his fincerity, and with favours they did not deserve. He would otherwise have had a Churchill, and a Wilkes, at his elbow, and have furnished them with materials of truth and sound politics, instead of the scurrilous falfhoods, and seditious tenets, which their talents were employed in. He was, moreover, too much cut out for council and cabinet, to make the best of a drawing room : his mind was too elevated for the secondary views and functions of a minister; and he was ioo intent upon the objeets on which the preservation and the welfare of a whole people de
* It seems (according to this gentleman's solemn declarations) the paper in the Public Advertiser was not intended for the press. but was really an extract of a private letter to a friend ; and by that friend inferted in the news paper, without the Writer's knowlege.
pended, to mind sufficiently how far his own was at stake ; and what Thare it deserved in his attention, for the better execution of his salutary designs. He wou'' Otherwise have inttructed and authorized his friends, from the beginning, - publish such truths as he alone was possessed of, and entitled to communicate, to the ruin of falfhood, before it had made. such deep and lamentable impresions on the minds of the people. He would, in imitation of Mr. Pitt, not have scrupled to disclose whatever secrets he might have thought proper, in order to instruct the public with his motives, first, for resigning his public station, and afterwards, for totally withdrawing his assistance from his successors, and his advice from his king. He would not have confided so long in the notion, that his integrity, and the purity of his intentions, with a suitable conduct and deportment in his retreat, would be sufficient to withstand, and at last overset all the efforts of inveterate envy and malice : and he would not have been so reluctant in furnishing his friends with those few materials which they have lat:erly thought it necessary to extort from him; and to publish (as I am ofured by some of them of undoubted veracity) without his knowledge or consent, not merely in vindication of his character, but of the bighest and facredeft one amongst us.'
As to the Author's explanation of the secret Springs of the late changes in the ministry, as he hath improperly expressed it in his citle-page, those who, at this time of day, may be curious of farther information, , we refer to the pamphlet at length.
Art. 14. A Candid Review of the New Administration. 8vo. IS,
Wilkie. An acrimonious answer to a pamphlet, entitled, The Merits of the New Administration, mentioned in our Review for September. The present anti-ministerial Writer affects the most sovereign contempt of the gentlemen now in power; whose removal he considers as the first step to our lafety :'-but, by the way, he has not shewn what degree of danger we are threatened with, should they continue in the places they now till ;-and that they will continue, there is now very little room to entertain even the smallest doubt. Art. 15. A Vindication of the Ministry's Acceptance of the Admini
piration ; with an Exposition of the real Motives of a noble Lord's
declining it. In Answer to A Letter from a Son of Candor to · the Public Advertiser. With a Proposal to establish the Public
Tranquillity, to the Satisfaction of all Parties. In a Letter from
In this answer to the Principles of the late Changes, &c. the Author
Art. 16. A. Free and Candid. Address to the Right Hon. William · Pitt, on the present Posture of Affairs, both at home and abroad, . Folio. 6d. Cooke.
Mr. Pitt is he:e warmly solicited, in the name of the difinterefted and truly loyal subjects of Great Britain, in Europe, Asia, Africa, and America,' tó résume the rein's of administration. The Author appears to be of opi. nion, that nothing less than the influence and credit of this great commoner can restore our disorder'd national affairs to that hopeful and prolperous ftare in which they were, at the time of that minister's retirenient, particularly in regard to the discord which hath unhappily broke out, in the American colonies. We trust, however, that this is a miltake; and that means will be found to restore the wonted harmony be. tween the mother and her children, whether Mr. P. doth or doth not chuse to 'resume the seals,'—as it is here expressed, -with too little refpect to the dignity of the crown,
Art. 17. The Grievances of the American Colonies candidly examined.
Printed by Authority, at Providence in Rhode-Inand. Long don, re-printed. 8vo. 15. Almon. 'A modeft yet pathetic recital of the hardships laid on our American brethren, by • an act, limiting, restricting, and burthening the trade of the colonies, -as also for greatly enlarging the power and jurisdiction of the courts of admiralty in the colonies, and likewise establishing, by another A&, certain itamp duties. ' Much hath been said in segard to the last mentioned act; but, perhaps that for enlarging the power of the admiralty.courts, (though it will be lefs generally felt) is not of a Jess grievous nature; if we may depend on the account here given of the hardships which individuals may experience, from the natural tendency of an act which will let loose upon the people, a swarm of those worst of vermin INFORMERS for the sake of the reward: wretches who have been the peft of every society, and the curse of every country which they have infested. ;
Art. 18. A Letter to a Member of Parliament, wherein the Power
of the British Legislature, and the Case of the Colonists, are briefly
and impartially considered. 8vo. I's. Flexney. : The sensible writer of this letter, endeavours to prove, that, in point of law, the colonists are bound to pay obedience to every act of the parliament of Great Britain, wherein they are expressly named. He confiders the extent and diffufiveness of parliamentary jurisdiction, throughout all the British dominions; he adverts to that chain of connexion and dependance which has ever fubfifted between the mother countries and colonies of ancient and modern times; he examines the plea of non-representation, so much 'urged by the advocates for our North American colonies, in regard to their opposition to the stamp-act; and he finally concludes, that the legislature hath done nothing but what it had full and conftitutional power to do: consequently, that the colonists, by having denied and resisted this posver, have been hurried into a conduet, tinctured with an offence, bordering too nearly upon the worft species of
treason ;-a treason against the fate.' So far, as to Law. With re. fpe&t to Policy, the Author is clearly on the other side of the question. He condemns the stamp-act, as one of the worst measures of the late miniftry; ' a fatal addition to the blunders of their inglorious predecesfors, the peace-makers ;' and he speaks with the highest refentment of
that plan of policy which aims at the attainment of an end, at the same time that is proscribes the means ;' the exaction of a payment is money, when the most effe&tual ministerial tratagems had been pursued, to incapacitate the colonists from getting any *.' He conceives hopes, however, that the present administration will apply themselves diligently to the removal of all our inteftine troubles and perplexities; and that • however arduous and discouraging their predecessors in office may have contrived to render chis duty, yet they will enter upon this great work, afsured of the hearty concurrence and co-operation of all good men.'-, We încerely believe all good men will concur in wilhing and hoping that Our Author's expectations may not be disappointed.
• This alludes to what our Author calls, the degrading the British navy into smuggling cutters and pirates upon our own commerce ;' and depriving the colonists of the ' enjoyment and prosecution of a trade, not only lacrative to themselves, but in which the whole traffic of this kingdom is deeply and essentially interwoven.'
Art. 19. The Necesity of repealing the American Stamp-act. demon
firated : Or, a proof that Great Britain must be injured by that Ast. In a Letter to a Member of the British House of Commons. 8vo. 1S. Almon. * This is one of the most considerable publications on the subject of the present disagreeable situation of affairs in our North-American colonies ; and contains, indeed, more information than all the relt put together. Among other important particulars, che very ingenious and spirited Author thus takes notice of the popular assertion, 'that the colonics, are said to be greatly in our debt, for the blood and treasure we have, spent on their account, during the late war:' that we may be able to, form a proper judgment on this subject, it will, says he, be necessary to review the cause and event of that war: the fa&ts are these: • Our North-American colonies, says he, are extended along the shore neag 2000 miles, and backward not 200 miles, upon an average : the limits of these colonies are fixed by charter, and feveral of them are already fully though not very thick settled. An immeasurable territory lies behind these colonies, which is not theirs, nor did they ever claim it; their charter gave them 'no pretensions to such a claim : it is the territory of, Great Britain, never yet located, nor granted to any particular subject. It was natural to suppose and expect, that as soon as the bounds of her prefent colonies were all peopled, she would also divide this wilderness ioio. other colonies, which might become a new fource of riches and power. But the French had perfidiously surrounded our present colonies by, a chain of förts, and thereby most have cut off all hopes of future in crease to our dominions: in this case it was the interest of Great Britain, it was absolutely necessary for her to remove the French ; and reinoved. shey were, by a glorious and fuccefsful conflict; bur did the Britons
alone bleed during that war, or did they alone bear the expence ? No, Sir, brave and generous as the Britons were, the colonists have not been a whit behind them.
• A single colony which was planted about ninety years ago, paid near half a million towards the general expence : the four New-England colonies alone raised and supported 20,000 men per annum, and it appears from good evidence, that they lost near 30,000 men during the service. In general, this war has made such havock from one end to the other of our infant colonies, that the flower of their youth are destroyed, and the survivors loaded with taxes, to pay the debts which were then contracted. In return for this profusion of blood, our colonists have obtained the security of their present estates; they have also acquired perpetual honour to the British arms, and a vast addition of empire to the kingdom, whose subjects they are. But all these acquisitions being chiefly imaginary, can never help them to pay greater taxes than formerly; and I confess, it does not appear that they have made any other acquisitions. It is true, that several French and Spanish colonies are added to our dominions upon the continent, together with a valt extent of wilderness, but that is nothing to the present colonists: their land is decreased, and not increased in value by these additions, and their trade is worse instead of better; for the more land is to be purchased on the continent, so much the less will any purchaser give for what is now oCcupied; the greater possessions we have on the continent of North Ame. rica, and the greater quantity of indigo, rice, tobacco, hemp, fax, fur, and timber that are thence imported, so much less muft each colony gain by her trade in these articles, and these are the commodities with which they pay their taxes. . Who then have been gainers by our late war in America ? The answer is plain, Great Britain has gained exceedingly.'
There are many other particulars, of great curiosity, as well as importance, in this very valuable tract; to which we must refer our Readers for farther satisfaction. The fum and conclusion of the Author's whole chain of reasoning is this: 6 that our English subjects on the continent of America are very little in our debt. That if the debt were much greater, we should recover no part of it by the late stamp-act; on the contrary,—that we shall lose, instead of gaining by that tax, because the colonists being universally discontent, not without some appearance of reason, will no longer consume our manufactures, and even though they were desirous of consuming them as formerly, they cannot possibly pay for them under lo heavy a tax, but whatever sums we receive in the way of tax, we shall lose at least as much in the way of trade, and with this immense loss of trade we shall sustain a similar loss of our beft fub. jects. Therefore repealing the ftamp-a& is the most probable way of leo curing the strength, and increaling the riches of Great Britain and Amcrica.'
POETICA L. Art. 20. Pollio, an Elegiac Ode, written in the Wood near R
Caftle, 1762. 4to. 15. T. Payne. There is genuine enthusiasm, vigour of thought, and natural expref fion in this little poem, which is a tribute to the Author's brother.
The description of the castle, that is a principal object in the scene, has dignity and characteristic propriety :