Colonies unitedly remonstrated, not more because they were burdens, than because submission to them involved a surrender of the point that Parliament had no right to tax America without her consent. The respective Tory ministries in England favored Parliament. The Whigs (when out) favored the Colonists, or, at least, non-interference. Colonial thought, shaped on these lines, took these party expressions. As the Colonial Whigs grew warm in their opposition to Parliament, and the idea of union and independence advanced, "Whig" and "Tory" became as familiar in America as in England, and the sentiment represented by each as bitter. The Whig, who was at first only an opponent of Parliamentary claims, got to be a Colonial unionist, without separation from the mother country, then a unionist, with separation. The Tory remained the fast friend of English sovereignty on our soil, in whatever shape the powers at home chose to present it.

PARTIES OF THE REVOLUTION.-From the above attitude of parties one can readily see that after the fact of Independence (1776) the Tory party was without a mission. If a party at all, its sentiment was silenced amid arms. The Whig idea was uppermost and overwhelming. It meant vastly more than in the beginning. The Whigs were the revolutionary, armed party. They were the government, such as it was-the Congress first, and then the Confederation. The Tories were enemies, traitors if you please. Indeed, the term Whig began to mean so much that other words, comprehending more, came into use, as " Popular Party," Party of Independence," "American Party," "Liberty Party," " Patriots," and so on. This was the party situation from 1774 to 1778, in the Continental Congress and in the Colonial Legislatures.

99.66

PARTIES OF THE CONFEDERATION.-The event of the Confederation was forced by the Whigs. Their party name followed. The Articles of Confederation were a decisive advance of the federal idea, but as a government they were infinitely weaker than the arbitrary, revolutionary Congress. We have already seen their sources of weakness, how they fell into disrespect at home and abroad, why it became necessary to sub

stitute for them "a more perfect union." The Whig party dominated the Confederation. Less than ever was there a Tory party. Toryism invited confiscation, proscription, banishment.

PARTIES OF THE CONSTITUTION.—With the peace of 1783, the Tory cause perished outright. Therefore there was no longer any need for the term Whig. The prevalent thought was the national one-how to unite more firmly, and for peace as well as war? This was Federalism-the permanent one out of the disjointed many idea. The weaknesses of the Confederation forced this thought along like a torrent, ripened it until it became the Constitution of the United States. Strictly speaking, there were no more two parties from 1783 to 1787, than from 1774 to 1783. Whigism became Federalism, and Whigs Federalists, and the thought of "a more perfect union" was as paramount as the thought of Independence, Union under a Congress or the Articles, and the victory of the Revolution. But it was a time of peace, and Federalism was a widely varying theme. It took all sorts of shapes in conventions, village groups and around the hearthstone. When it brought the convention which framed the Constitution, it was variant there. Debate took very wide range. Antagonisms were pointed and bitter. And debates in the State Conventions over the question of rati fication took still wider range. But in all these contentions the central thought was not lost sight of. Federalism, however colored or twisted, was still the aim. Starting away up among the few monarchy men of the convention, or of the States, and travelling down through the various orders of thought clear to the very few who repudiated union on any conditions, we find Federalism the regnant idea and crowning hope. All differences were as to form, time, construction, etc., not as to fact or necessity. The party of Federalism, that is, the Federal party, became the party of a new and stronger government, of the Constitution, just as the Whig party had been the party of Independence and the Continental Congress.

"The Republicans are the nation," said Jefferson in the flush of political triumph. The Federals were the nation. Their conciliations and compromises in convention secured a Constitution.

Their concessions, surrenders and appeals secured its ratification, speedily here, tardily there, reservedly in many instances, fully in others. We therefore regard the common division of the parties of this time into Federal and Anti-Federal as not exact and somewhat misleading. There was no national Anti-Federal party,* certainly no national sentiment worthy the name of AntiFederalism. The opposition to the Constitution which sprang up in the State ratifying conventions was not even unreservedly Anti-Federal. It was a strange, incalculable sentiment, born of fears, and visions, and hypotheses, and constructions, and was as much indulged by men like Patrick Henry and Samuel Adams who had all along been Federalists of the most pronounced type, as by those who thought the "secretly deliberating convention" could only hatch a scheme of monarchy. Nor was it a final sentiment, for many Anti-Federalists voted to ratify. It was not a coherent sentiment, for some opposed because the promised union would not be strong enough, some because it would be too strong, some because the States would suffer, some because a State government was at all times sufficient, and so on. AntiFederalists were united in nothing save their opposition. When the work of ratification was completed and the government came to be started, Anti-Federalism was not heard of. In the presence of the fact of a Constitution it either agreed to suspend judgment while the new experiment was being tried or engaged to help the trial on.

* All the members of the Convention signed the Constitution except Edmund Randolph and George Mason, of Virginia, and Elbridge Gerry, of Massachusetts, and they were believers in Federalism, i. e., the necessity for a stronger union, but they did not think the Constitution was the best means to secure it. On signing, Franklin said: "I confess there are several parts of this Constitution I do not at present approve, but I am not sure I shall never approve them." And Hamilton, on moving that all the members sign the instrument, said: "No man's ideas were more remote from the plan than his own were known to be, but is it possible to deliberate between anarchy and convulsion on one side and the chance of good to be expected from the plan on the other?" In the letter which Washington sent out with the Constitution he says: “In all our deliberations we have kept steadily in view that which appears the greatest interest of every American-the consolidation of our Union, in which is involved our prosperity, felicity, safety, perhaps national existence."

NEW GOVERNMENT PARTIES.-So general was the refusal of the Anti-Federals to adopt a definite line of action after the Constitution had been ratified by the necessary number of States (nine), and such was their acquiescence in the popular wish to see the new government fairly tried, that all animosities ceased, and all open opposition was hushed, while the nation. bowed before the popularity of Washington, and unanimously chose him for its first President. This signal mark of confidence, and this supreme triumph of Federalism was to end most happily for the country. The passions of the hour would have time to cool. Though Washington was a recognized Federalist, he was not extreme, and all could depend on his judgment to start the machinery on the broadest and safest basis. Extremists and radicals of every type could afford to bide their time. And they did, harmlessly but not inactively. It was a period for new schools of thought, or rather for bringing to bear on the new order of things old thoughts in stronger and better formulated shape. Federalism, which was affirmative, and Federals who were responsible for the new government, naturally inclined to such a construction of the Constitution, where points were doubtful, as would throw the doubts in favor of the central authority. Anti-Federalism, which was negative, and AntiFederals, even though they were supporters of the administration, naturally inclined to such a construction, as would throw the doubts in favor of the States. Thus the operative, dominant Federalism of the day took the form of liberal or open construction of the Constitution, would interpret it as though it had a spirit as well as a letter, saw in a government under it an entity with powers and functions to be questioned only by the people at large. So the Anti-Federalism of the day took the form of a strict or close construction of the Constitution, would interpret it as though it were a simple, inelastic code, saw in a government under it nothing more than that aggregate of power and function which the sovereign States had parted with, and which they were at liberty to question, or if need be recall. While these two schools of thought did not immediately branch into organized and opposing parties, they furnished the ground

work for nearly all subsequent and legitimate national party differences.* A few years of experiment with the new government brought up many questions which deeply engaged the respective schools and gradually led to the first organized antagonism to the Federal party, which became known as the Democratic-Republican party, or better as the Republican party. But of this in its place.

I.

WASHINGTON'S FIRST ADMINISTRATION.
April 29, 1789-March 3, 1793.

GEORGE WASHINGTON, VA., President. JOHN ADAMS, MASS.,
SEAT OF GOVERNMENT AT NEW YORK AND

Vice-President.

PHILADELPHIA.

Congresses.

FIRST CONGRESS.

SECOND CONGRESS.

Sesssions.

1, April 6, 1789-September 29,1789, appointed session.
2, January 4, 1790-August 12, 1790.

3, December 6, 1790-March 3, 1791.

1, October 24, 1791-May 8, 1792.
2, November 5, 1792-March 2, 1793.

Washington was nominated by a Caucus of the Continental Congress. The State Legislatures chose electors for President and Vice-President on the first Wednesday of January, 1789.† These electors voted on the first Wednesday in February.

*To the former or liberal school of construction belonged the Federal party, which may be called its founder. To the same school belonged the Whig party, which asserted that internal improvement at the national expense was within the purview of the Constitution, as well as protective duties and a general banking system. And so of the modern Republican party which claims for the central government all power necessary for its preservation and advancement. To the latter, or strict school of construction, belonged the old Republican party and its successor, the Democratic party. But all this is in general, for many times the respective parties have occupied common ground or crossed each other's tracks, only to back away again to their old places when motives of expediency ceased to operate, and there was no rallying point short of the old differences.

†The electors were chosen by the State Legislatures up till 1824. Under the Constitution as it stood up till 1804, they voted for two persons, the one having the highest number of votes to be President, the next highest to be Vice-President. But they could not both be from the same State.