casion, from the length of time for which the question had been depending, together with the often-repeated propositions of both sides, the two governments could not have been reasonably expected to come to an amicable arrangement without some mutual concession of their former demands.

"If, on our side, by dividing on the forty-ninth parallel and the Straits of Fuca, we yielded the southern cape of Vancouver's Island, Great Britain surrendered her previous claim to the jurisdiction and unoccupied territory between the fortyninth parallel and the Columbia River. At the same time, we have effected a material modification of our former offer of the surrender of the perpetual navigation of the Columbia River to British trade and British subjects generally. Although, from deference to the views and opinions of others, which it was no less my wish than my duty to respect, I earnestly endeavored to effect a settlement upon the basis of allowing the navigation of the river to the general trade for a period of twenty years; nevertheless, when that, from causes to which I need not now particularly refer, proved to be impracticable, in suggesting and urging that it should be restricted to the Hudson Bay Company, I thought I was effecting an object even less objectionable.

(

"It seems to me that, in the present state of commerce, it is not only the interest, but the practice of nations, independent of some inveterate notions of colonial policy, already yielding to more enlightened views, to allow the greatest freedom of rivers and ports to the trade of the world; and it may be observed, that, until the United States and Great Britain shall determine to abandon the reciprocity secured by the existing commercial convention, the recent Oregon treaty confers fewer privileges of navigation than may be claimed and enjoyed under the commercial convention. I felt confident, moreover, that long before the two governments would desire to alter their existing commercial freedom, if, indeed, they should ever desire to do so, during the continuance of peace, the Hudson's Bay Company would cease to have any occasion or motive to navigate such a river as the Columbia is known to be. It would not be easy to imagine any use they could make of it, during a state of peace, inconsistent with the commerce and interests of our own citizens.

"Universal satisfaction at the adjustment of a difficulty so complicated and inveterate was scarcely to be expected, and yet

it is a source of satisfaction to know that its general acceptableness to the country at large affords a sure guaranty of the continuance of our future peace. The tone and temper with which the negotiation was conducted in their several departments, by both governments, have been creditable to their wisdom and moderation, and have already served to elevate our own in the opinion of other nations.

"I sincerely believe that these effects can not be too highly appreciated; and if any portion of our fellow-citizens, in any section of the country, should feel that they have not obtained all the territory or advantages they had expected to acquire, it may be hoped they will, nevertheless, be satisfied that the national honor, so far from suffering, has really been elevated by the result, and that, in preserving the blessings of peace, and keeping our country steadily in a career of glorious prosperity, they will be amply compensated for any disappointment they may have experienced, and gain far more than an equivalent for any doubtful advantage to be sought only through the instrumentality of war.

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'Having now effaced upon honorable terms the last cause that threatened the peace of two people of kindred origin, and associated by commercial relations more extensive and important than exist between any other two nations of the globe, may we not now hope to begin a new career of international intercourse, and by the uninterrupted pursuit of commerce and the arts, extend and cement our relations? It ought to be considered as fortunate that these results have happened at a moment when, by the wisdom and courage of British statesmen, a new and important step has been taken in the enlargement of commerce, by which the trade of different nations must be vastly extended, and the motives of harmonious relations indefinitely multiplied, as, between the United States and Great Britain especially, the causes which ought naturally to associate the two people upon an honorable basis, and contribute to their mutual prosperity, may now have fair play, and our competitions in future be confined to a generous rivalry in all that can advance the happiness of the people of both countries, and of mankind at large.

I would do injustice to the occasion if I should omit to state it as my opinion, that in the country and among the peo

ple I have just left, these expectations begin to be generally entertained, and that the settlement of the Oregon Question will soon come to be universally regarded as the knell of those inveterate jealousies and feuds which, it may be apprehended, have so long exerted a mischievous influence over the people, if not upon the councils of both countries.

"I may say with certainty, also, that whatever may be thought of the result by some respectable portions of our countrymen, the terms we have ultimately obtained, no less than the vindication of our rights and the ultimate approval of an honorable concession, have added another refutation to the charge of undue ambition, and to the imputation upon our national faith and stability, not unfrequently made in some quarters of Europe.

"If these advantages be properly appreciated, the time is not remote when all will be ready to acknowledge and rejoice in the result.

"The occasion may not be inapt to bear my testimony to the sense universally entertained abroad of the enterprise and punctuality of the commercial classes of the United States, and to the influence it has exerted in sustaining American credit, in defiance of causes which I too deeply deplore to attempt at this time more particularly to allude to. I will add, too, that even these causes are beginning to feel the influence of juster views and of a brighter hope, and that little more than a perseverance by some of our local governments in their exertions to maintain the public credit is needed to elevate our country to a proud and enviable rank among the nations of the earth."

We have referred elsewhere [see title, HOWELL COBB] to the report and resolutions drawn up by Mr. Douglas in behalf of the Committee on Elections, in the case of the states which had not complied with the districting law of Congress.

Among other measures introduced by Mr. Douglas, we note a bill to extend the maritime jurisdiction of the courts of the United States to the lakes. Heretofore, that jurisdiction had been confined to the ocean, and its limit had been the ebbing and flowing of the tide. The bill which he reported, and which is now the law of the land, extended the jurisdiction to the chain of northern lakes, thus, in effect, putting them on an equality with the high seas.

VOL L-L

He was among the most prominent supporters of the bill refunding the fine imposed by Judge Hall on General Jackson. He argued that to refuse to pass it would be an act of the grossest injustice to the American people, and would stamp them with ingratitude to their bravest defender. He denied that General Jackson had violated either the Constitution or the law at New Orleans. He insisted that the general rightfully performed every act that his duty required, and that his right to declare and enforce martial law was derived from the necessity of its existence in time of war for the defense of the country. The defense of the lives and liberties of the people, as well as their property, being all intrusted to the discretion of the commanding general, it became his duty to declare martial law if the necessity of the case required it. He acknowledged that this was a high-handed and despotic power, only to be exercised when necessary, and to cease when the necessity no longer existed; but it was sufficient for him to know that the commanding general, the governor and Legislature of the State of Louisiana, the courts, and the whole population of the city of New Orleans, and even Judge Hall himself, declared that martial law was necessary to the defense of the city.

The following anecdote, in connection with this subject, was related by an eye-witness, and published in a highly-respectable journal, from which we take it:

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Every thing that relates to Andrew Jackson, the hero of New Orleans and the friend of his country, is of deep interest to the American people; and although the incident we are about to relate is in itself of no great interest, it becomes so to us in consequence of those connected with it.

"At the Nashville Convention of August last, we visited the Hermitage (only twelve miles distant) in company with Judge Douglas of this state, and some other of our fellow-citizens. The Hermitage was crowded with people from almost every state, who had been invited thither by the venerable patriot on the day succeeding the Convention.

"Governor Clay, of Alabama, was near General Jackson, who was himself sitting on the sofa in the hall of his residence, and as each person entered, the governor introduced him to the hero, and he passed along. When Judge Douglas was thus introduced, General Jackson raised his still brilliant eyes, and

gazed for a moment in the countenance of the judge, still retaining his hand. 'Are you the Mr. Douglas, of Illinois, who delivered a speech last session on the subject of the fine imposed on me for declaring martial law at New Orleans?' asked General Jackson.

"I have delivered a speech in the House of Representatives upon that subject,' was the modest reply of our friend.

"Then stop!' said General Jackson. Sit down here beside me. I desire to return to you my thanks for that speech. You are the first man that has ever relieved my mind on a subject which has rested upon it for thirty years. My enemies have always charged me with violating the Constitution of my country by declaring martial law at New Orleans, and my friends have always admitted the violation, but have contended that circumstances justified me in that violation. I never could understand how it was that the performance of a solemn duty to my country-a duty which, if I had neglected, would have made me a traitor in the sight of God and man-could properly be pronounced a violation of the Constitution. I felt convinced, in my own mind, that I was not guilty of such a heinous offense; but I could never make out a legal justification of my course, nor has it ever been done, sir, until you, on the floor of Congress, at the late session, established it beyond the possibility of cavil or doubt. I thank you, sir, for that speech. It has relieved my mind from the only circumstance that rested painfully upon it. Throughout my whole life I never performed an official act which I viewed as a violation of the Constitution of my country; and I can now go down to the grave in peace, with the perfect consciousness that I have not broken, at any period of my life, the Constitution or laws of my country.'

"Thus spoke the old hero, his countenance brightened by emotions which it is impossible for us to describe. We turned to look at Douglas. He was speechless. He could not reply; but, convulsively shaking the aged veteran's hand, he rose and left the room. Certainly, General Jackson had paid him the highest compliment he could have bestowed on any individual."

One of the earliest speeches delivered in the House by Mr. Douglas was against the right of the general government to prosecute a system of roads, and canals, and internal improvements in the states. He has at all times, however, maintained