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:* Mr. Calhoun. 'I am very happy to hear that such is the opinion of the honorable senator; but I disagree with my worthy friend, the senator from North Carolina, in several particulars. I do not look upon a state of excitement at l dangerous state. On the contrary, 1 look upon it as having often a niost wholesome tendency. The state to he apprehended as dangerous in any community is this: that when there is a great and growing evil in existence, the community should bo in a cold and apathetic suite. Nations are much more apt to perish in consequence of such a state than through the existence of heat and excitement. Nor do I agree with the senator from North Carolina in thinking that this is an analogous case to that of the question as to the reception of petitions on the subject of slavery; for we all know that in reference to the latter, the question was whether the Senate was uot bound to receive petitions in all cases and on all subjects. Now here is a case in which there is uo doubt whatever. AU admit tliat the question of granting leave is a question depending upon the voice of the Senate as a matter of discretion: there is no question of Tight whatever. Now I submit to the senator from North Carolina whether, under the circumstances, a bill of this kind, introduced at such a moment, to subject the worthy citizens of this district to a high penalty, without containing a single clause for the punishment of those who commit outrages upon them, and deprive them of their properly—without a single expression against such marauders—must not be considered a most extraordinary measure, let it come from whatsoever quarter it may? Can any man doubt that, whether intended or not, the object of this bill is to dis. arm the worthy citizens of this district, so as to prevent them from defe-uding their property, and to arm the robbers! That is the whole amount of it. The Congress of this Union is tho Legislature of the District of Columbia; and what is oar duty on this occasion l It is to protect these our constituents, who have no other protection but ours. It is our duty to stand forward in their behalf when the extraordinary spectacle is presented to tis of a vessel coming to our wharves under the color of commerce, and of the men belonging to that vessel silently seducing away our slaves, and getting nearly a hundred of them on board, and then moving off with them under cover of the night, in order to convey them beyond our reach. What is our duty under these circumstances? Is it not to take up the subject,as 1 trust the Committee on the Judiciary will do, and ptss a bill continuing the highest penalties known to the law against pirates who are guilty of acts like these?

"' I differ also from my honorable friend from North Carolina in this respect. He seems to think that the proper mode of meeting this great question of difference between the two sections of the Union is to let it go on silently—not to notice it at all—to have no excitement about it. I differ from him altogether. I have examined this subject certainly with as much care as my abilities would enable me, and if I am not greatly deceived—if I have any capacity to perceive what is coming, I give it as my most deliberate opinion, that if such course is pursued on our part, and the activity of those influences on the other side be perm:tted to go on, the result of the whole will be that we shall have St. Dnnimgn over again. Yes, and worse than that. Now, sir, we have been asleep; and, so far from the thing being stationary, it is advancing rapidly from year to year. What has taken place within the last few weeks in the Legislature of New York? There js a provision in the Constitution protective of the rights of the South on this subject; and what is it? That the states shall deliver up fugitive slaves that are found within their limits. It is a stipulation in the nature of an extradition treaty —I mean a treaty for delivering up fugitives from justice. Now, what duty does this impose upon the states of this Union? It imposes u)kiu them, upon the known principles of the law of nations, nn active co-opemtion on the part of their I.rgblature, citizens, and magistrates, in seizing and delivering up slaves who have e* caped from their owners. What has been done by the Legislature of the State of New York 1 I speak on the statement of newspapers, which have not been contradicted. They have passed a law almost unanimously—there being but two votes against it—making it penal for a citizen of that state even to aid the Federal officers in seizing and delivering np slaves. They not only do not co-operate— they not only do not stand neutral, bnt they take positive and active measures to violate the Constitution, and to trample upon the laws of the Union; and yet we are told that things are going on very well, and will go on well, if we only let them alone; that the evil will cure itself. This is what has been done in the State of New York. The only stipulation in the Constitution which confers any benefit upon us, is, without the least regard to faith, trodden in the dust. And New York stands not alone in this matter; many other states have adopted similar measures. Pennsylvania, at the session before last, adopted one, not going to this extreme, but not falling greatly short of it. And what has taken place under that law f A most worthy citizen of Maryland, upon his attempting to recapture his slave, is murdered—that is the proper term—and the perpetrator of the act goes in a great measure unpunished. There was a trial, and some one may have been found guilty, but little was done. I could go on and consume the whole day in tracing, step by step, the course by which every stipulation in favor of this description of property ha9 been set at naught in the Northern States. Now, if all this is the fact, I put it gravely and seriously to our brethren of the Northern States, Can this thing go on T Is it desirable that it should be passed without condemnation 1 Is it desirable that the South should be kept ignorant of all this? I pat these questions. No, no. The very inaction of the South is construed into one of two things—indifference or timidity. And it is this construction which has produced this bold and rapid movement toward the nltimate consummation of all this. And why have we stood and done nothing? I will tell you why. Because the press of thib Union, for some reason or other, does not choose to notice this thing. One section does not know what the other section is doing. The Sooth does not know the hundredth part of all that has been done at the North. Now, since this occurrence has taken place, a suitable occasion is presented for gentlemen to rise here and tell the whole Union what is doing. It is for the interest of the North as well as the South. I do not stand here as a Southern man. I stand here as a member of one of the branches of the Legislature of this Union, loving the whole, and desiring to save the whole. How are you to do it 1 It can be saved only by justice; and how is justice to be done? By the fulfillment of the stipulations of the Constitution. I ask no more; as I know myself, I would not ask a particle that did not belong to us, either in our individual or confederated character. But less than that I never will take. Sir, I hold equality among the confederated states to be the highest point; and any portion of the confederated states who shall permit themselves to sink to a point of inferiority—not defending what really belongs to them as members—sign their own death-warrant; and in signing that, sign the doom of the whole. Upon the just maintenance of our rights, not only our safety depends, but the existence and safety of this glorious Union of ours; and I hold that man responsible, and that state responsible, who do hot raise a voice against every known and clear infraction of the stipulations of the Constitution in their favor. This is a proper occasion, and I hope there will be a full expression of opinion upon it. I hope my friend from North Carolina will reconsider his motion, and not press it. Let us meet this question at once.'

"Mr. Douglas. 'I have listened to this debate with a good deal of interest. But while I have seen considerable excitement exhibited on the part of a few gentlemen around me, I confess that I have not been able to work myself into any thing

Vol. I.—X

like a pas6ion. I think that, probably, the senator from New Hampshire hat done much to accomplish his object. His bill is a very harmless thing in itself; but, being brought forward at this time, and under the present circumstauces, it bat created a good deal of excitement among gentlemen on this side of the chamber.'

"Mr. Calhoun (in his seat). 'Not the bill—the occurrence.'

"Mr. Douglas. 'On the occurrence I desire to say a word. In the first place. I must congratulate the senator from New Hampshire on the great trinmph which he has achieved. He stands very prominently before the American people, and is, I believe, the only mau who has a national nomination for the presidency. 1 firmly believe that, on this floor to-day, by the aid of the senator from South Carolina and the senator from Mississippi, he has more than doubled his vote at the presidential election, and every man in this chamber from a free state knows it I looked ou with amazement, fur a time, to 6eo whether there could be an understanding between the senator from New Hampshire and his Southern friends, calculated to give him encouragement, strength, and power in the contest. But I know that those distinguished senators from the South, to whom I have referred, are incapable of such an understanding; yet I tell them that, if they had gone into a caucus with the senator from New Hampshire, and, after a night's study and deliberation, had devised the best means to manufacture abolitionism and ubolition votes in the North, they would have fallen upon precisely the same kind of procedure which they have adopted to-day. A few such exciting scenes sufficed to send that senator here. I mean no disrespect to him personally; but I say, with his sentiment* —with his principles, he could never have represented a free state of this L'nion on this floor but for the aid of Southern speeches. It is the speeches of Southera men, representing slave states, going to an extreme—breathing a fanaticism as wild and as reckless as that of the senator from New Hampshire, which creates abolitionism in the North. The extremes meet. It is no other than Southern senators acting in concert, and yet without design, that produces abolition.'

"Mr. Culhonn. 'Does the gentleman pretend to say that myself, and Southern gentlemen who act with me upon this occasion, are fanatics? Have we done any thing more than defend our rights, encroached upon at the North / Am I to understand the senator that we make abolition votes by defending our rights7 If so, I thank him for the information, and do not cure how many such votes we make.'

"Mr. Douglas. 'Well, I will say to the senator from South Carolina, and every other senator from the South, that fur bo it from me to entertain the thought that they design to create Abolitionists in the North or elsewhere. Far be it from me to impute any such design! Yet I assert that such is the only inevitable effect of their conduct.'

"Mr. Calhoun (in his seat). 'We are only defending ourselves.'

"Mr. Douglas. 'No, they are not defending themselves! They suffer themselves to become excited upon this question—to discuss it with a degree of heat, and give it an importance, which makes it heard uud felt throughout the Union. It is thus that abolition derives its vitality. My friend from Mississippi (Mr Foote), in his zeal and excitement this morning, made a remark in the invitation which he extended to the senator from New Hampshire to visit Mississippi, which is worth ten thousand votes to the senator; and I am confident that that senator would not allow my friend to retract that remark for ten thousand votes.'

"Mr. Foote. 'Will you allow me V

"Mr. Douglas. 'Certainly.'

"Mr. Foote. 'If the effect of that remark will be to give to that senator all tlie abolition votes, he is fairly entitled to them. Had the senatorfrom Illinois hv'd where I have resided—had he seen insurrection exhibiting its fiery front in the mid.-t of the men, women, and children of the community—had he had reason to believe that the machinery of insurrection was at such a time in readiness for purposes of the most deadly character, involving life, and that dearer than life, to every Southern man—had he witnessed such scenes, and believed that movements like that of this morning were calculated to engender feelings out of which were to arise fire, blood, and desolation—the destruction finally of the South, he would regard himself as a traitor to the best sentiments of the human heart if he did not speak out the language of manly denunciation. I can use no other language. I can not but repeat my conviction, that any man who dares to utter such sentiments as those of the senator from New Hampshire, and attempts to act them ont any where in the suuny South, will meet death upon the scaffold, and deserves it!,

"Mr. Douglas. , I must again congratulate the senator from New Hampshire on the accession of five thousand votes. Sir, I do not blame the senator from Mississippi for being indignant at any man from any portion of this Union who would produce an incendiary excitement—who would kindle the flame of civil war— who would incite a negro insurrection, hazarding the life of any man in the Southern States. The senator has, I am aware, reason to feel deeply on this subject. But I am not altogether unacquainted with the peculiar circumstances of the sections of the country to which he has alluded. I have lived a good portion of my life upon the immediate borders of a slave state. I have seen the operation of such excitements as those of which he speaks upon both sides of the line. I can well appreciate the excited feeling with which gentlemen in the South must regard any agitating movement to get up insurrections among their negro servants., •" Mr. Davis, of Mississippi. , I do not wish to be considered as participating in the feeling to which the senator alludes. I have no fear of insurrection, no more than I have of my cattle. I do not dread such incendiaries. Our slaves are happy and contented. They sustain the happiest relation that labor can sustain to capital. It is a paternal institution. They are rendered miserable only by the unwarrantable interference of those ,who know nothing about that with which they meddle. I rest this case in no fear of insurrection; and I wish it to be distinctly understood, that we are able to take care of ourselves, and to punish all incendiaries. It was the insult offered to the institutions which we have inherited that provoked my indignation.'

"Mr. Foote. , Will the honorable senator allow me to make a remark T'

"Mr. Douglas. , With great pleasure.'

"Mr. Foote. , If h be understood that I expressed any fear of an insurrection which might grow out of this movement, it is a mistake. I said that such an audacious movement as this could not be tamely submitted to, without encouraging its authors to proceed; and in that, I think, all who have spoken on this side of the chamber concur.,

"Mr. Davis, of Mississippi. , I did not intend to imply that my colleague had taken any such course as that which I disclaimed.,

"Mr. Douglas. , All that I intended to say was, that the effect of this excitement—of all these harsh expressions—will be the creation of Abolitionists at the North.,

"Mr. Foote. , The more the better.,

"Mr. Douglas. , The gentleman may think so, but some of ns at the North do not concur with him in that opinion. Of course, the senator from New Hampshire will agree with him, because he can fan the flame of excitement so as to advance his political prospects. And I can also well understand how some gentlemen at the South may quite complacently regard all this excitement, if they can persuade their constituents to believe that the institution of slavery rests upon their shoulders—that they are the men who meet the Goliath of the North in this great contest about abolition. It gives them strength at home. But we of the North. who have no sympathy with the Abolitionists, desire no such excitement.'

u Mr. Calhoun. 'I must really object to the remarks of the senator. We are merely defending our rights. Suppose that we defend them in strong language; . have we not a right to do so? Surely the senator can not mean to impute to us the motives of low ambition. He can not realize our position. For myself (and I presume I may speak for those who act with me), we place this question upon high and exalted grounds. Long aa he may have lived in the neighborhood of slaveholding states, he can not have realized any thmg on the subject. I must object entirely to his course, and say that it is at least as offensive as that of the senator from New Hampshire.'

"Mr. Foote. 'Will the senator from Illinois allow me a word?*

"Mr. Douglas. 'In a moment. I am sorry that the honorable senator regards my language as offensive as that of the senator from New Hampshire. Will be allow me to remark, in the first place, that I did not suppose that I should ever be classed with the senator from New Hampshire on the subject of slavery; and, in the next place, that I did not say any thing disrespectful to the senator from South Carolina, or any one associated with him on this question. I did not impugn his motives. I said explicitly that I did not regard him as being actuated by any but the purest motives. He felt indignant at the recent occurrences, and his indignation I regarded as being natural and proper. We of the free states share in that indignation. But I said that the senator from South Carolina, by the violent course pursued here, had contributed to the result which we deplored, and that abolitionism at the North was built up by Southern denunciation and Southern imprudence. I slated that there were men of the North who arc ready to take advautage of that imprudent and denunciatory course, and turn it to their own account, so as to make it revert upon the South. I announced in plain terms that truth—a truth which every man from the free states can fully realize; and, sir, I too feel upon this subject, inasmuch as I have never desired to enlist, and never shall enlist, under the banners of either of the radical factions on this ques tion. I have no sympathy for abolitionism on the one side, or that extreme course on the other which is akin to abolitionism. Wc are not willing to be troddeu down while you hazard nothing by your violence, which only builds up your adversary in the North. Nor does he hazard any thing; quite the contrary; for he will thus be enabled to keep concentrated upon himself the gaze of the Abolitionists, who will regard him as the great champion of freedom who encounters the distinguished senator from South Carolina and the senator from Mississippi. He is to be upheld at the North because he is the champion of abolition, and you are to be upheld at the South because you are the champion who meet him; so that it comes to this, that between these two ultra parties, we of the North, who belong to neither, arc thrust aside. Now we stand up for all your constitutional rights, in which we will protect you to the last. We go for the punishment of burglary, stealing, and any other infringement of the laws of this district; and if these laws be not strong enough to prevent or punish those crimes, we will give to them the adequate strength. On the other hand, we go for enforcing the law against mobs, and any destruction of property by them; and if the law be not strong enough to suppress them, we will strengthen it. But we protest against being made instruments—puppets—in this slavery excitement, which can operate only to your interest, and the building up of those who wish to put von down. I believe, sir, that in all this I have spoken the sentiment of every Northern man who is not nn Abolitionist. My object was to express my deep regret that any such excitement should have grown out of the introduction of this bill/

'. Mr. Foote. <I had supposed that I had already sufficiently explained myself.

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