Mr. Boyd. The yeas and nays were ordered, and the question on agreeing to that amendment was taken, with the following result:

Yeas: Messrs. Stephen Adams, Anderson, Arnold, Atkinson, Baker, Ball, Benton, Biggs, James Black, James A. Black, Bowlin, Boyd, Brinckerhoff, Brockenbrough, Brodhead, Milton Brown, William G. Brown, John H. Campbell, Cathcart, John G. Chapman, Reuben Chapman, Chase, Chipman, Clarke, Cobb, Cocke, Collin, Cullom, Cummins, Daniel, Darragh, Jefferson Davis, De Mott, Dillingham, Dobbin, Douglas, Dromgoole, Edsall, Ellsworth, Erdman, Faran, Ficklin, Fries, Garvin, Gentry, Goodyear, Gordon, Graham, Grover, Haralson, Harmanson, Henley, Hoge, Hopkins, Hough, George S. Houston, Hungerford, James B. Hunt, Charles J. Ingersoll, Joseph R. Ingersoll, Joseph Johnson, Andrew Johnson, George W. Jones, Kennedy, Preston King, Leib, La Sere, Levin, Ligon, Lumpkin, Maclay, M'Clean, M'Clelland, M'Clernand, M'Connell, Joseph J. M'Dowell, James M'Dowell, M'Kay, John P. Martin, Barclay Martin, Morris, Morse, Moulton, Niven, Norris, Owen, Parish, Payne, Perrill, Pettit, Phelps, Pollock, Price, Ramsay, Rathbun, Reid, Rolfe, Ritter, Roberts, Sawtelle, Sawyer, Scamman, Leonard H. Sims, Thomas Smith, Robert Smith, Stanton, Starkweather, St. John, Strong, Thibodeaux, Thomasson, Jacob Thompson, Thurman, Tibbatts, Towns, Tredway, Trumbo, Wentworth, Wheaton, Wick, Woodruff, Yell, and Young-123.

Nays: Messrs. Abbott, John Quincy Adams, Ashmun, Barringer, Bayly, Bedinger, Blanchard, Buffington, Burt, William W. Campbell, Carroll, Cranston, Crozier, Culver, Garrett Davis, Delano, Dockery, Dunlap, John H. Ewing, Edwin H. Ewing, Foot, Giddings, Grider, Grinnell, Hamlin, Hampton, Harper, Herrick, Hilliard, Elias B. Holmes, Isaac E. Holmes, John W. Houston, Edmund W. Hubard, Samuel D. Hubbard, Hudson, Hunter, Daniel P. King, Thomas B. King, Lewis, M'Gaughey, M'Henry, M'Ilvaine, Marsh, Miller, Moseley, Pendleton, Rhett, John A. Rockwell, Root, Schenck, Seddon, Severance, Alexander D. Sims, Simpson, Truman Smith, Albert Smith, Stephens, Stewart, Strohm, Benjamin Thompson, Tilden, Toombs, Vance, Vinton, Winthrop, Woodward, and Yancey67.

By this decision the preamble of Mr. Boyd became a part of the bill, which was then passed by the following vote:

Yeas: Messrs. Abbott, Stephen Adams, Anderson, Arnold, Atkinson, Baker, Barringer, Bayly, Bedinger, Bell, Benton, Biggs, James Black, James A. Black, Blanchard, Bowlin, Boyd, Brinckerhoff, Brockenbrough, Brodhead, Milton Brown, William G. Brown, Buffington, Burt, William W. Campbell, John H. Campbell, Carroll, Cathcart, John G. Chapman, Augustus A. Chapman, Reuben Chapman, Chase, Chipman, Clarke, Cobb, Cocke, Collin, Crozier, Cullom, Cummins, Daniel, Dargan, Darragh, Garrett Davis, Jefferson Davis, De Mott, Dillingham, Dobbin, Dockery, Douglas, Dromgoole, Dunlap, Edsall, Ellsworth, Erdman, John H. Ewing, Edwin H. Ewing, Faran, Ficklin, Foot, Fries, Garvin, Gentry, Goodyear, Gordon, Graham, Grider, Grover, Hamlin, Hampton, Haralson, Harmanson, Harper, Henley, Herrick, Hilliard, Hoge, Elias B. Holmes, Isaac E. Holmes, Hopkins, Hough, John W. Houston, G. S. Houston, E. W. Hubard, Hungerford, J. B. Hunt, Hunter, Charles J. Ingersoll, Joseph R. Ingersoll, Joseph Johnson, Andrew Johnson, George W. Jones, Kennedy, P. King, Thomas Butler King, Leib, La Sere, Lewis, Levin, Ligon, Lumpkin, Maclay, M'Clean, M'Clelland, M'Clernand, M'Connell, Joseph J. M'Dowell, James M'Dowell, M'Gaughey, M'Henry, M'Kay, Marsh, John P. Martin, Barclay Martin, Miller, Morris, Morse. Moseley, Moulton, Niven, Norris, Owen, Parish, Payne, Pendleton, Perrill, Pettit, Phelps, Pollock, Price, Ramsey, Rathbun, Reid, Relfe, Rhett, Ritter, Roberts, John A. Rockwell, Sawtelle, Sawyer, Scammon, Schenck, Seddon, Alexander D. Sims, Leonard H. Sims, Simpson, Truman Smith, Albert Smith, Thomas Smith, Robert Smith, Stanton, Starkweath er, Stewart, St. John, Strong, Thibodeaux, Thomasson, Jacob Thompson, Thurman, Tibbatts, Toombs, Towns, Tredway, Trumbo, Vinton, Wentworth, Wheaton, Wick, Winthrop, Woodruff, Woodward, Yancey, Yell, and Young-174.

Nays: Messrs. John Q. Adams, Ashmun, Cranston, Culver, Delano, Giddings, Grinnell, Hudson, D. P. King, Root, Sever ance, Strohm, Tilden, and Vance-14.

We need not advert to the many bitter controversies of which this preamble has been the fruitful parent. Those who believ ed the declaration which it contained to be false-and it is

known to the country that there were many such-voted against it. The vote which we have recorded so engrafted it upon the bill itself as to place it beyond all further control, and there was no alternative, therefore, but to vote against the whole bill, and so to refuse supplies, or to appear to do that which the sixty-seven members whose names are recorded in the negative never did, to wit, vote in favor of the preamble. This is the historical truth of a matter which, in every section of the Union, has been greatly misunderstood.

Speaking of the vote he then gave, Mr. Winthrop, on the 25th of June, 1846, said:

"I need not say that I deeply deplore the occurrence of the war in which the country is involved. I have had neither part nor lot in the policy which has occasioned it, but have opposed that policy from beginning to end to the best of my ability. I voted for the bill recognizing the existence of the war, and authorizing the employment of men and money for its prosecution, with unfeigned reluctance and pain. The day can never be when I can vote, without reluctance and without pain, for any bill, under any circumstances, which looks to an issue of battle and of blood. I feel deeply that such conflicts are unbecoming civilized and Christian men. Not even the brilliant exploits of our troops at Palo Alto and Resaca de la Palma, though they may fill me with admiration for the bravery of those who achieved them, can dazzle me for an instant into the delusion that such scenes are worthy of the age in which we live.

"There was phraseology, too, in the bill which I would gladly have stricken out. Indeed, the question was one on which it was impossible to give an altogether satisfactory vote, and I have nothing but respect for the motives, and sympathy in the general views of those who differed from me on the occasion.

"But I believed when that bill was before us, and I believe still, that the policy of the administration had already involved us in a state of things which could not be made better, which could not be either remedied or relieved by withholding supplies or disguising its real character. And I will say further, that while I condemned that policy as heartily as any of my friends-while I condemned both the policy of annexation as a whole, and the movement of our army from Corpus Christi as

a most unnecessary and unwarrantable part-I was not one of those who considered Mexico as entirely without fault."

On the 22d of February, 1847, when the bill making appro priations for the support of the army and volunteers was under consideration, Mr. Winthrop offered the following provisoes:

"Provided, That no more than a proportionate amount of the money appropriated by the two first sections of this bill shall be expended during any one quarter of the year for which said appropriations were made.

"Provided also, That so much of the said appropriations as shall be unexpended at the next meeting of Congress, shall be subject to reconsideration and revocation.

"Provided further, That these appropriations are made with no view of sanctioning any prosecution of the existing war with Mexico for the acquisition of territory to form new states to be added to the Union, or for the dismemberment in any way of the Republic of Mexico."

This last proviso was adopted in Committee of the Whole on the State of the Union, but was rejected in the House by a vote of yeas 76, nays 126, the entire body of the Whig party uniting with Mr. Winthrop in the declaration it contained.

The rule of future action which Mr. Winthrop has prescrib ed for himself in regard to the war, seems to be laid down in a speech delivered by him on the 22d of February, 1847, in support of these provisoes. He says:

"I have intimated, on another occasion, that I do not go so far as some others of my friends in regard to the propriety or expediency of withholding all supplies from the executive. While a foreign nation is still in arms against us, I would limit the supplies to some reasonable scale of defense rather than withhold them altogether. I would pay for all services of regulars or volunteers already contracted for. I would provide ample means to prevent our army from suffering, whether from the foe or from famine, as long as they are in the field under constitutional authority. Heaven forbid that our gallant troops should be left to perish for want of supplies because they are on a foreign soil, while they are liable to be shot down by the command of their own officers if they refuse to remain there."

He voted in favor of the Three Millions Bill, and his opin

ions on the general subject connected with that measure we find well expressed in a speech delivered in Faneuil Hall:

"This, this is the matter, gentlemen, in which we take the deepest concern this day. Where, when, is this war to end, and what are to be its fruits? Unquestionably we are not to forget that it takes two to make a bargain. Unquestionably we are not to forget that Mexico must be willing to negotiate before our own government can be held wholly responsible for the failure of a treaty of peace. I rejoice, for one, that the administration have shown what little readiness they have shown for bringing the war to a conclusion. I have given them credit elsewhere for their original overtures last autumn, and I shall not deny them whatever credit they deserve for their renewed overtures now. But, Mr. President, it is not every thing which takes the name or the form of an overture of peace which is entitled to respect as such. If it proposes unjust and unreasonable terms; if it manifests an overbearing and oppressive spirit; if it presumes on the power of those who make it, or on the weakness of those to whom it is offered, to exact hard and heartless conditions; if, especially, it be of a character at once offensive and injurious to the rights of one of the nations concerned, and to the principles of a large majority of the other, then it prostitutes the name of peace, and its authors are only entitled to the contempt which belongs to those who add hypocrisy to injustice.

"Mr. President, when the President of the United States, on a sudden and serious emergency, demanded of Congress the means of meeting a war into which he had already plunged the country, he pledged himself, in thrice repeated terms, to be ready at all times to settle the existing disputes between us and Mexico, whenever Mexico should be willing either to make or to receive propositions to that end. To that pledge he stands solemnly recorded in the sight of God and of men. Now, sir, it was no part of our existing disputes at that time whether we should have possession of California, or of any other territory beyond the Rio Grande. And the President, in prosecuting plans of invasion and conquest which look to the permanent acquisition of any such territories, will be as false to his own pledges as he is to the honor and interests of his country.

"I believe that I speak the sentiments of the whole people of Massachusetts-> I know I speak my own, in saying that we want no more territorial possessions to become the nurseries of new slave states. It goes hard enough with us that the men and money of the nation should be employed for the defense of such acquisitions already made; but to originate new enterprises for extending the area of slavery by force of arms, is revolting to the moral sense of every American freeman.

"Sir, I trust there is no man here who is not ready to stand by the Constitution of the country. I trust there is no man here who is not willing to hold fast to the union of the states, be its limits ultimately fixed a little on one side or a little on the other side of the line of his own choice. For myself, I will not contemplate the idea of the dissolution of the Union in any conceivable event. There are no boundaries of sea or land, of rock or river, of desert or mountain, to which I will not try, at least, to carry out my love of country, whenever they shall really be the boundaries of my country. If the day of dissolution ever comes, it shall bring the evidence of its own irresistible necessity with it. I avert my eyes from all recognition of such a necessity in the distance. Nor am I ready for any political organizations or platforms less broad and comprehensive than those which may include and uphold the whole Whig party of the United States. But all this is consistent, and shall, in my own case, practically consist with a just sense of the evils of slavery; with an earnest opposition to every thing designed to prolong or