my heart for the offer of the forty-ninth parallel in August last, when I saw that he withdrew that proposition after it had been rudely rejected by England; that he asserted our title to the whole country; that he recommended the notice, the extension of our laws, the establishment of forts, the raising of mounted men, the establishment of mail lines, and, what was better than all, that he laid down the great American principle, that it 'should be distinctly announced to the world as our settled policy, that no future European colony or dominion shall, with our consent, be planted or established on any part of the North American continent.' To what did the President refer in this declaration? Why, he says he refers to the North American continent.' What part of it? Certainly not to Mexico or California, for they are not European colonies. Certainly not to Canada, Nova Scotia, or New Brunswick, for they are old colonies long since established, and the President says that 'the existing rights of every European nation should be respected.' Certainly not to the Hudson Bay Company; if he did, it would then extend the principle a little further, or to the Hudson Bay as well as to Oregon. To what did he refer? Why, evidently to that part of the North American continent which now remains vacant and unoccupied; for he says that no future European colony' shall be planted, with our consent, on any part of the North American continent. If he had referred to the old colonies, he would not have spoken of 'future' ones; if he had referred to those long since planted, he would not have spoken of colonies hereafter to be planted. He, then, referred to the vacant and unoccupied part of North America; and the west of the Rocky Mountains is that vacant and unoccupied part in reference to which he says 'no future European colony or dominion shall, with our consent, be planted or established' there, or on our northwest coast. And here let me remark, that there is no chance for equivocation-for evading the position, because England has now no colony on the northwest coast. She says she has no colony there. If you look into the act of Parliament extending her laws there, you will see she uses very emphatic language. She says it is an Indian country.

"Sir, she then spoke of it, when she extended her laws over Oregon, as being an Indian territory, not within the Canadas, not within the Hudson Bay Company's jurisdiction, and not

within any of the British colonies in North America; and this is the very section of country to which Mr. Polk refers when he says that no future European colony or dominion shall, with our consent, be planted or established on any part of the North American continent.' Now, suppose you formed a treaty on the line of forty-nine degrees, and establish that as the boundary; is that not giving our consent' to the estab lishment of a British colony on our continent? Suppose you agree to 54° 40', do you not thereby give our consent' to the establishment of a 'future European colony' north of that line, and yet upon the North American continent? Clearly, sir. Any treaty of boundary on the northern part of Oregon would be an act-a solemn act of 'consent' by this government to the establishment of a future European colony on this continent. But the President has announced distinctly to the world as our settled policy, that that consent can not be given. Sir, he who knows the character of the man-he who knows the stern integrity of his political character-he who knows the consistency of his whole public life-he who knows his fidelity to his principles, must know that, during his four years, this 'settled policy' will not be unsettled by him. He is not the man to put the distinct declaration forth to the world in the name of his government of a settled policy, and then to sneak back from it-to violate it-to disgrace himself and his nation during that very presidential term in which he gave the notice. Then, I say, that during these four years, it is a settled, irrevocably settled question, that no treaty fixing a boundary for the northern part of Oregon can be made. Sir, the making of any treaty fixing a boundary would be a palpable violation of the very principle the President has put forth in his message. Bearing this point in mind, gentlemen will easily understand the meaning of the President in all his recommendations-when he said that no compromise of this question could be made which the United States ought to accept-when he said that he reasserted our claim to the whole country, and maintained it by irrefragable facts and arguments-when he said that the notice must be given, and the exclusive possession regained—when he said our laws must be extended there-when he said that at the end of the year the time would have arrived when we must either maintain our claim or abandon the whole of it."

The debate was finally terminated, under an order of the House, on the 9th of February. In the mean time, the temper of large portions of our people had been wrought up to high fever point. The image of some flagrant wrong, hidden from their knowledge, as they supposed, for a quarter of a century, rose up before their excited visions in grim demand for retri-, bution. The character of the debate-the fierce appeals which in some cases were made to popular passions, added fuel to the flame. They who had raised the storm, whose muttering thunders even now were heard in the distance, began to realize the conviction that, yet a little while longer, and they could neither control nor direct it. "The fact is not to be disguised," says Mr. Buchanan, in his dispatch to Mr. M'Lane of January 29th, 1846, "that the feeling of the country is becoming daily more unanimous and intense in favor of asserting our right to the whole territory; and the debates in Congress, and their delay to act in accordance with the recommendations of the President, only serve to increase the popular excitement. Resolutions of state Conventions and state Legislatures are now in succession being adopted, in favor of adhering to the line of 54° 40'. If the British government intend to make a proposition to this government, they have not an hour to lose if they desire a peaceful termination of the controversy."

While the debate was in progress, on the 3d day of February, on the motion of Mr. Collamer, of Vermont, a call was made upon the President for all correspondence which had passed between the government of Great Britain and that of the United States, or between any of the officers of the said governments, in relation to the territory west of the Rocky Mountains, since the annual message. The resolution contained the usual reservation, restricting the call to the transmission of such information as might not, in the judgment of the President, be incompatible with the public interests.

On the 7th of February, the President, in answer to this call, communicated certain portions of a correspondence which had taken place between Mr. Buchanan, Secretary of State of the United States, and Mr. M'Lean, minister of the United States at the court of Great Britain, in respect to the extensive warlike preparations then making by the latter government. Also, the correspondence between Mr. Buchanan and the Right Hon

orable Richard Pakenham, her Britannic majesty's envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary, in regard to two distinct propositions of arbitration which had been submitted by the latter, and declined on the part of the United States. What was the nature of these propositions, and what were the reasons for declining them, will best be seen from the letters themselves, which we now give:

"Mr. Pakenham to Mr. Buchanan.

"WASHINGTON, December 27, 1845.

"An attentive consideration of the present state of affairs, with reference to the Oregon Question, has determined the British government to instruct the undersigned, her Britannic majesty's envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary, again to represent, in pressing terms, to the government of the United States, the expediency of referring the whole question of an equitable division of that territory to the arbitration of some friendly sovereign or state.

"Her majesty's government deeply regret the failure of all their efforts to effect a friendly settlement of the conflicting claims by direct negotiation between the two governments.

"They are still persuaded that great advantages would have resulted to both parties from such a mode of settlement, had it been practicable; but there are difficulties now in the way in that course of proceeding which it might be tedious to remove, while the importance of an early settlement, seems to become at each moment more urgent.

"Under these circumstances, her majesty's government think that a resort to arbitration is the most prudent, and, perhaps, the only feasible step which could be taken, and the best calcu lated to allay the existing effervescence of popular feeling, which might otherwise greatly embarrass the efforts of both governments to preserve a friendly understanding between the two countries.

"The government of the United States will see in the proposal which the undersigned is thus instructed to make, a proof of the confidence of the British government in the justice of their own claim. They will also see in it a proof of the readiness of the British government to incur the risk of a great sacrifice for the preservation of peace, and of their friendly relaVOL. I.-G

tions with the United States. It is made in a spirit of moderation and fairness, of which the world will judge.

"The British government confidently hope that the governinent of the United States will not reject a proposal made with such a friendly intention, and for a purpose so holy.

"There is nothing in it, they are convinced, not perfectly compatible with the strictest regard for the honor and just interests of both parties, particularly when it is considered of what small value to either is the portion of territory which in reality forms the subject of controversy, compared with the importance of preserving a state of peace and good-will between two such nations.

"The undersigned takes advantage of this opportunity to renew to the Hon. James Buchanan the assurance of his high consideration. R. PAKENHAM.

"DEPARTMENT OF STATE, Washington, January 3, 1846.

"The undersigned, Secretary of State of the United States, has the honor to acknowledge the receipt of the note of Mr. Pakenham, her Britannic majesty's envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary, dated the 27th ultimo, by which, under instructions from his government, he proposes to the government of the United States the expediency of referring the whole question of an equitable division of that (the Oregon) territory to the arbitration of some friendly sovereign or state.'

6

"The undersigned has submitted this note to the President, who, after having bestowed upon it that respectful consideration so eminently due to any proposition emanating from the British government, has instructed him to give to it the following answer:

"The British government do not propose to refer to arbitration the question of the title to the Oregon Territory, claimed by the two powers respectively. It is a proposition to refer to a friendly sovereign or state merely the partition or 'equitable division' of that territory between the parties. It assumes the fact that the title of Great Britain to a portion of the territory is valid, and thus takes for granted the very question in dispute. Under this proposition, the very terms of the submission