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THE FABIAN SOCIETY consists of Socialists. A statement of its Rules, etc., can be obtained from the Secretary, at 276 Strand, W.C. Also the following publications :

“FABIAN ESSAYS IN SOCIALISM.”

(27th Thousand.)

A full exposition of modern English Socialism in its latest and maturest phase. The book consists of eight monographs by G. BERNARD SHAW, SYDNEY OLIVIER, Sidney Webb, WILLIAM CLARKE, Hubert BLAND, GRAHAM WALLAS and ANNIE BESANT. The frontispiece is by Walter Crane.

Library Edition, 6s.; or, direct from the Secretary for Cash, 4/6 (postage 4 d.) Cheap Edition, Paper cover (published by Walter Scott 24 Warwick Lane, London), is.; ditto, plain cloth, 2s. At all booksellers, or post free from the Secretary for 1s. and 2s. respectively.

FABIAN TRACTS.

To be obtained from the Publisher, JOHN HEYWOOD, Deansgate and Ridgefield, Manchester, and 1, Paternoster Buildings, London; or from the Secretary at above address.

No. 1. Why are the Many Poor? 75th thous. Price 6 for id. ; Is. per 100. No. 5.-Facts for Socialists. A survey of the distribution of income and the condition of classes in England, gathered from official returns, and from the works of economists and statisticians. 25th thousand. 16 pp., id. or 9d. per doz. No. 7.-Capital and Land A similar survey of the distribution of property, with a criticism of the distinction sometimes set up between Land and Capital as instruments of production. 1oth thousand. 16 pp., id.; or 9d. per doz. No. 8.-Facts for Londoners. An exhaustive collection of statistical and other information relating to the County and City of London, with suggestions for Municipal Reform on Socialist principles. 5th thousand. 56 pp., 6d. ; or 4/6 doz. No. 9.- An Eight Hours Bill. Full notes explain the Trade Option clause and the precedents on which the Bill is founded. A list of literature dealing with the hours of labor is appended. 20th thousand. 16 pp., id.; or 9d. per doz. No. 10.-Figures for Londoners (a short abstract of No. 8). thousand. 4 pp., 6 for id.; Is. per 100.

20th

No. 11.-The Workers Political Programme fully explains the politics of to-day from the working class point of view, and gives questions to put to Parliamentary candidates. 20th thousand. 20 pp., id.; or 9d. per doz.

No. 12.-Practicable Land Nationalization. 4 pp., 6 for id.; or 1s. per 100 No. 13.-What Socialism Is. A short exposition of the aim of Socialists. 30th thousand. 4 pp., 6 for 1d.; or Is. per 100.

No. 14.-The New Reform Bill. A draft Act of Parliament providing for Adult Suffrage, Payment of Members and their election expenses, Second Ballot, and a thorough system of Registration. 15th thousand. 20 pp., id.; or 9d. per doz. No. 15.- English Progress towards Social Democracy. The evolution of English Society, with explanation of Socialism. 1oth thous. 16 pp., id. ; 9d. doz. No. 16.-A Plea for an Eight Hours Bill. A brief answer to objectors. 50th thousand. 4 pp., 6 for id.; Is. per 100.

No. 17.--Reform of the Poor Law. Facts as to pauperism, with proposals for pensions for the aged, and other Socialist reforms. 20 pp., Id.; 9d. per doz. No. 18.-Facts for Bristol. On same lines as No.8. 16 pp., id. ea., or 9d. doz. No. 19.-What the Farm Laborer Wants. 4 pp. 6 for id.; or 1/- per 100. No. 20.-Questions for Poor Law Guardians. 4 pp., 6 for id.; or is. per 100. No. 21.-Questions for London Vestrymen. 4 pp., 6 for id., or Is. per 100, No. 22.-The Truth about Leasehold Enfranchisement, gives reasons why Socialists oppose the proposal. 4 pp., 6 for id.; or Is. per 100. No. 23.-The Case for an Eight Hours Bill. 16 pp., 1d. each, or gd, a dóz.

The set post free for eighteen pence.

THE LECTURE LIST, containing the names of ninety lecturers, who offer their services gratuitously, may be obtained on application to the Secretary. Upwards of 1400 lectures and addresses were delivered by members during the year ended in March, 1891.

THE

Truth abouf Leasehold Enfranchisement.

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"Every permanent improvement of the soil, every railway and road, every bettering of the general condition of society, every facility given for production, every stimulus supplied to consumption, RAISES REnt. "The landowner sleeps, but thrives. He alone, among all the recipients "in the distribution of products, owes everything to the labour of others, "contributes nothing of his own. He inherits part of the fruits of present "industry, and has appropriated the lion's share of accumulated intelligence."-J. E. THOROLD ROGERS, "Political Economy," chap. 12. How the Desire for Leasehold Enfranchisement Arose.

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Most houses in London, and some of those at other towns, have been built on what is called the leasehold system. The owner of the land which has become "ripe for building "lets it for 99 or 80 years, or for "three lives," at a fixed ground rent, to a builder, who undertakes to cover it with houses. The houses are built, and let to tenants, who pay their rent to the "leaseholder" or "lessee "-the builder or the person to whom he has sold the houses. During the period of the lease the ground landlord (or "freeholder") receives from the leaseholder the annual ground rent, free of all rates and taxes (except income tax). At the end of the term agreed upon, the houses and every. thing else affixed to the soil become the property of the ground landlord, who henceforth takes the whole rack-rent from the occupiers. Sometimes it is impossible to obtain land to build on upon any other terms than these.

This does not matter to the occupier at a weekly rent; it is all the same to him whether he pays that rent to a freeholder or a leaseholder. Nor does it matter to the investor in house property; if he buys a short lease, he takes care to give for it only a low price. But it is hard on the shopkeeper who has established a business, and finds himself threatened with an increase of rent, just at the time when he dare not move. It is hard on the congregation of a chapel who may be compelled to turn out because the ground landlord dislikes Dissenters. It is hard on the prosperous man who has bought a house to live in, and wants to feel that it is his " very own for ever. Above all, it is hard on the public, to see the fruits of their labor scooped in by the ground landlords, who "grow richer, as it were, in their sleep, without working, risking, or economising. What claim have they, on the general principle of social justice, to this accession of riches?"

These are the hardships which must be remedied in the leasehold system.

Unfortunately, the Leaseholds Enfranchisement Association, which was formed in 1883 to remedy these hardships, could think of no better remedy than a further extension of landlordism. As private ownership of land has worked so badly, they recommended a wider diffusion of it! The Leaseholds Enfranchisement Bills now before Parliament would enable the holder of a long lease to buy out the ground landlord, and so become the freeholder himself. Instead of the Duke of Bedford owning Bloomsbury, we should have a few hundred little Dukes of Bedford, each owning a tiny scrap of Bloomsbury. What good would this do to anybody but these fortunate individuals?

What would be the Effect of Leasehold Enfranchisement?

Such a change in the law would meet the case of the chapel congregation, who could free themselves from landlord tyranny. It would meet the case of the prosperous man who occupies the house he has bought, and who would no longer feel that he was improving another man's property. But it would do little for the shopkeeper, who seldom has more than a 21 years' lease at a rack-rent-not enough to bring him within the benefits of the proposed Act. It would do nothing for the millions of occupiers of weekly tenements, who have no more chance of becoming leaseholders than of becoming kings. And it would do nothing whatever to stop the plunder of the public by the scooping in of the unearned increment of land values, due to the mere growth of population and the execution of public improvements. Wha does it matter to the community whether that unearned increment goes to Duke A. (the freeholder) or to Mr. B. (the leaseholder)?

Who would Benefit by Leasehold Enfranchisement?

Nobody but the man prosperous enough to own a house, whether he occupies it himself or not. The millionaires of Belgravia would be able to buy out the Duke of Westminster. But nothing whatever would be done for the tenement occupier. No one would be benefited but the rich and the middle class, and the bigger their prosperity the more they would gain.

Why are the Tories taking the question up, and the rich Liberals warmly commending it? One of them has told us"The more widely spread, and the larger the number of persons who are interested in the ownership of property, the better it is for the rights of property." And at the Annual Meeting of the Leasehold Enfranchisement Association, in February, 1891, the "United Property Owners' Association" presented the President with a memorial in consideration of his services to their cause in strengthening the defences of "the rights of property." What have workingmen and Radicals to do with the cause of the "United Property Owners' Association"?

The Proper Lines of Leasehold Reform.

Two distinct grievances demand redress-the grievance of the public in the matter of its plunder by the landlords, and the

grievance of the tenant in the matter of landlord tyranny. The Leaseholds Enfranchisement Bill would remedy neither of these; and in its place we want an "Unearned Increment Bill," and a “Tenants' Protection Bill.”

The Unearned Increment Bill

should secure to the public at large the whole benefit of any future rise in the value of urban land. Let there be an exact valuation made which would serve also as the basis of a proper taxation of land values. Give the County Council, or other public authority, power at any future time to take over the land at its present value, with compensation for any improvements subsequently made by the owner. This would enable the community to secure for itself the whole of the future unearned increment, and place it at the same time in a position adequately to tax what it has already let slip. This is the easiest method of Land Municipalisation.

The Tenants' Protection Bill

Should do for urban tenants what the Agricultural Holdings Act has begun to do for rural tenants. It should enable the actual occupier, under whatever conditions, to recover from the landlord (whether freeholder or leaseholder) compensation for all reasonable unexhausted improvements, and for injury to "good-will" in case of wanton disturbance. Some cheap and expeditious local court should have (as in Ireland) the power to protect the tenant against an unfair rent, or tyrannous conditions. This compensation and protection should be given to all tenants, whether leaseholders or not.

No more Landowners.

In no case should Leasehold "Enfranchisement" be aided by the law. We do not wish to create new landowners under State title. In places like Devonport, where the ground landlord imposes the peculiar "three lives" term, and in others where tyrannous conditions are insisted upon, the court would find a remedy, and protect the tenants without making landowners of them. Buildings which are property of a public nature, such as chapels, halls, schools, and co-operative stores might be compulsorily enfranchised as against the freeholder, and the ownership of the soil should then become vested in the County Council or other public authority which should grant to the occupiers permanence of tenure at a nominal rent.

All Radicals and Socialists and others who are against Landlordism, should therefore oppose Leasehold Enfranchisement. Ask the Member of Parliament and the Candidate for your constitueney to

VOTE AGAINST the LEASEHOLD ENFRANCHISEMENT BILL.

Tell him you want in its place an

UNEARNED INCREMENT

BILL and a

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THE FABIAN SOCIETY consists of Socialists.

THE

A statement of its Rules, etc., and the following publications can be obtained from the Secretary. at the Fabian Office, 276 Strand, London, W.C.

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FABIAN ESSAYS IN SOCIALISM.”
(27th Thousand).

Library Edition, 6s.; or, direct from the Secretary for Cash, 4/6 (postage 4 d.) Cheap Edition, Paper cover, 1/-; ditto, plain cloth, 2/-. At all booksellers, or post free from the Secretary for 1/- and 2/- respectively.

FABIAN TRACTS.

No. 1.-Why are the Many Poor? 85th thous. Price 6 for id.; 1/- per 100. No. 5.-Facts for Socialists. A survey of the distribution of income and the condition of classes in England, gathered from official returns, and from the works of economists and statisticians. 40th thousand. 16 pp., id. or 9d. per doz. No. 7.--Capital and Land. A similar survey of the distribution of property, with a criticism of the distinction sometimes set up between Land ‍and Capital as instruments of production. 15th thousand. 16 pp., Id. or 9d. per doz, No. 8.-Facts for Londoners. 5th thousand. 56 pp., 6d. ; or 4/6 doz. No. 10.-Figures for Londoners.. 20th thous. 4 pp., 6 for id.; 1/- 100. No. 11.-The Workers' Political Program. 20th thous. 20pp., 1d.; 9d.doz. No. 12.-Practicable Land Nationalization. 4 pp., 6 for id.; or 1/- 100. No. 13.-What Socialism Is. 8oth thous. 4 pp., 6 for id.; or 1/- per 100, No. 14.-The New Reform Bill. A draft Act of Parliament providing for Adult Suffrage, Payment of Members and their election expenses, Second Ballot, and a thorough system of Registration. 15th thous. 20 pp., id.; or 9d. per doz. No. 15.-English Progress towards Social Democracy. id.; gd, doz No. 16.-A Plea for an Eight Hours Bill. 4 pp., 6 for id.; 1/- per 100. No. 17.-Reform of the Poor Law. 20 pp., Id.; 9d. per doz, No. 18.-Facts for Bristol. 16 pp, id.; or 9d. doz.

No. 19.-What the Farm Labourer Wants. 4 pp., 6 for id.; or 1/- 100. No. 20.-Questions for Poor Law Guardians. 4 pp., 6 for id.; or 1/- 100. No. 21.-Questions for London Vestrymen. 4 pp., 6 for id.; or 1/- 100. No. 22. The Truth about Leasehold Enfranchisement, gives reasons. why Socialists oppose the proposal. 4 pp., 6 for id.; or 1/- per 100.

No. 23. The Case for an Eight Hours Bill. 16 pp., 1d.; or 9d. per doz. No. 24.-Questions for Parliamentary Candidates. 6 for id or 1/- 100.. No. 25.-Questions for School Board Candidates. 6 for 1d. or 1/- 100. No. 26.-Questions for London County Councillors. 6 for 1d. or 1/- 100. No. 27.-Questions for Town Councillors. 4 pp., 6 for id. or 1/- 100. No. 28.-Questions for County Councillors (Rural). 6 for id. or 1/- 100. No. 29. What to Read. A List of Books for Social Reformers. Contains. the best books and blue-books relating to Economics, Socialism, Labour Movements, Poverty, &c. Paper cover, 3d. each or 2/3 per doz.

No. 38.-A Welsh Translation of No. 1. 4 pp., 6 for id., or 1/- 100.
No. 39.-A Democratic Budget. 16 pp., Id., or 9d. per doz.

No. 40. The Fabian Manifesto for the General Election of 1892.

16 pp., id. each, or 9d. per dozen.

No. 41.-The Fabian Society: What it has done and how it has. done it. 32 pp., Id. each, or 9d. per dozen.

No. 42.-Christian Socialism. By the Rev. Stewart D. Headlam. 16 pp., Id. each; or 9d. per doz.

No. 43.-Vote, Vote, Vote. 2 p. leaflet, 5/- per 1,000.

The Fabian Municipal Program.

No. 1 (Tract No. 30).-The Unearned Increment.

No. 2 (Tract No. 31).-London's Heritage in the City Guilds.
No. 3 (Tract No. 32.)-Municipalization of the Gas Supply.
No. 4 (Tract No 33.)-Municipal Tramways.

No. 5 (Tract No. 34.)-London's Water Tribute.

No. 6 (Tract No. 35.)-Municipalization of the London Docks.
No. 7 (Tract No. 36.)-The Scandal of London's Markets.
No. 8 (Tract No. 37.)-A Labour Policy for Public Authorities.)

Each 4 pp., the 8 in

red cover for id., or

separately, 1/- ICO.

The set post free for 2s.; Bound in Buckram, 3s. 6d. post free.

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