ernment.

The authors and printers of works were ordered to renew their authorization every three months, on penalty of a forfeiture of the types and presses. No writing of less than twenty printed pages could be publisheḍ, except with the authority of the minister of the interior and the prefects in the departments. Memoirs relating to legal process, and memoirs of literary and scietific societies were to be authorized before publication, if they treated in whole, or in part of political matters. The third ordinance prescribed a new law of elections. It was drawn up with the express design of so changing the character of the new Chamber, as to give to the Ministers the ascendency in the government. But it never went into operation.

CHAPTER III.

Palais Royal-Effect of the ordinances on the people-the conduct of the journals— Proclamation of the prefecture of the police-Its effects-Conduct of the journalists -Protest of the journalists-Its effects-Monied interest backward in giving them assistance-State of the funds-Gen d'armerie, objects of popular dislike---Streets filled with young men---Attack of the police upon the people---Proceedings at the Champs Elysees---Attempt to seize Polignac.

The central position of the palace of the Duke of Orleans, called the Palais Royal, has always inade it a place of resort for the citizens of Paris on every emergency of importance. In this garden and galleries of thissplen did building, were formerly held the meetings which led to the revolution of 1789, and the overthrow of the power of Louis XVI. Here was first adopted the tri-colored cockade, which is fast becoming the emblem of liberty all over the civilized world. Here too, the Roman Pontiff was first burnt in effigy, to show the contempt of the society of Jacobins for his temporal supremacy.

At the northern part of the garden, near the rotunda, are small pavilions, where the public journals are let out.

for perusal to the numerous multitude, who frequent the precincts of the palace to enjoy the splendor of its attracOn the morning of the 26th of July, 1830, as soon as it was known that the columns of the government paper-the Moniteur-contained the royal ordinances and the report of the ministers against the freedom of the press, the ordinary course of perusal by successive applicants was abandoned, as far too slow a process of communicating information to the crowds, which were gathering around. Each copy of the official paper forthwith became a separate centre of attraction. The person who had secured it was compelled to mount the chains, with which the garden was furnished, and read aloud to the multitude within hearing. As the reader proceeded, the exclamations— monstrous-scandalous-abominable,-involuntarily escaped from the hearers. But these expressions of surprise were soon changed into those of contempt and indignation. It was a long time, however, before a distinct knowledge of the character of the ordinances was spread throughout the city. When it was spread abroad, a common feeling pervaded the minds of the mass of the people, that it was the part of duty to resist them.

In the offices of the journals in opposition to the ministry, the effects produced by the decree, suspending their professional freedom, was very different. The proprietors of the National, the Times, and the Globe, resolved on immediate resistance. In the course of the forenoon, second editions of these papers were published, containing the govermental edicts; and an appeal to the people, calling on them to make a manly resistance, and assuring them that submission was no longer a duty. Other journals, however, among which were the Constitutionnel and the Journal des Debats preferred to remain passive, rather than to hazard a sacrifice of their property. These latter publications were, in point of circulation, at the head of

the daily press of Paris, while the former were compara. tively of recent origin. This was a characteristic of the times. While, the aged, the rich and the influential hesitated as to the course which they should pursue the young, the active and the enterprising went forward and achieved the revolution.

The insertion of the ordinances in the opposition journals, accompanied by severe and pointed remarks on the conduct of the ministry, called forth from M. Mangin, prefecture of the police, a praclamation, authorizing the arrest of every individual, who should distribute printed writings on which there was not the true indication of the names, profession and residence of the author and printer; and commanding the immediate seizure of the writings, of whatever nature and description. It prohibited every individual, keeping a reading-room or coffee-house, from giving out for perusal the journals printed in vioalion of the royal edicts, on penalty of being prosecuted, as guilty of the misdemeanors committed by the journalists themselves, and having their establishments closed against the reception of company. The conclusion stated, that, while the commissary chief of the municipal police and his subordinates were enjoined to superintend its execution, the colonel of the city, commander of the royal gen-d'armerie, was also commanded to unite with the civil authority as far as the force at his disposal was concerned.

This proclamation increased the general discontent to an alarming extent. It showed also in the clearest manner, that the government was conscious that its acts were unsupported by the moral voice of the nation. A law, or an ordinance, wholesome in itself, and suited to the opinions of the age, seldom or never requires that the military power should be called in to enforce its demands. instance, however, it was necessary; and it been the determination of the ministers, from the beginning,

In the present appears to have

to resort to this power. When one of Polignac's friends remonstrated with him, and endeavored to enforce upon him the fact, that his arbitrary policy endangered the stability of the throne, his answer was, "Our plan is complete. We have settled every thing to our minds. The soldiery must do the rest."

In pursuance of the order of the prefecture of police, measures were immediately taken to prevent the appearance of those journals whose proprietors had refused submission to the restraints imposed upon them. In this emergency, the journalists, as a body, resolved to unite in the preparation of a protest, setting forth the nature of their grievances; showing the reasons of their resistance, and calling upon the newly elected Chamber of Deputies to rely on their rights and prevent the violation of the laws. It was a faithful exposition of the views of a large majority of the French people.

"It has," says the protest, "been frequently announced within the last six months, that the laws would be violated by a blow of arbitrary power. The good sense of the public refused to believe it. The ministry repelled the supposition as a calumny. The Moniteur, however, has at length published these memorable ordinances, in direct violation of the laws. Legal order is thus interrupted, and that of force is begun.

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In the situation in which we find ourselves placed, obedience has ceased to be a duty. The citizens first called to obey, are the writers of the public jonrnals: they ought to give the first example of resistance to the authority which has divested itself of its legal character.

"The matters professed to be regulated by the ordinances this day published, are such as are not, consistently with the charter, within the exclusive province of the royal authority. The 8th article of the charter declares that Frenchmen shall be bound in matters of the press to con

form themselves to the Laws;' it does not say to mere ordinances. The 35th article of the charter declares that the electoral colleges shall be regulated by the laws; it does not say by. royal ordinances.

"These articles have hitherto been recognized by the crown itself; the idea had not been formed of arming itself against them either in virtue of a pretended constitutional power, or of a power falsely ascribed to the 14th article of the charter.

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Whenever in fact any circumstances, assumed to be of a serious nature, have appeared to require any modification of the regulations affecting the press or of the electoral system, recourse has always been had to the legislative chambers. When it was required to modify the charter by the establishment of septennial elections, and the simultaneous renovation of the whole chamber, recourse was had, not to the royal authority, as the author of the charter, but collectively to the whole legislature.

"The 8th and 35th articles of the charter have thus been practically recognized by royalty itself, which, in regard to them, has not attempted to arrogate either a constituent authority, or a dictatorial power, which does not exist.

"These principles have been solemnly recognized by the tribunal to whom the right of interpretation is entrusted. The royal court of Paris and several others, have condemned the publishers of the declaration of the Brittany association, as the authors of an outrage against the government. It was considered an outrage, to suppose that the government would employ the authority of ordinances where the authority of law was alone admissible.

"The reasons by which they are supported are such as to make a formal refutation unnecessary.

"The text of the charter, the practice which has hitherto been followed by the crown, and the judgments of the tri