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If fear or folly has your rights betray'd,

Let not the fault on righteous heav'n be laid. You gave them guards; you rais'd your tyrants high, T'impose the heavy yoke that draws the heaving sigh. Many of his friends, alarmed at this, told him the tyrant would certainly put him to death for it, and asked him, what he trusted to, that he went such imprudent lengths: he answered, To old age. However, when Pisistratus had fully established himself, he made his court to Solon, and treated him with so much kindness and respect, that Solon became as it were, his counsellor, and gave sanction to many of his proceedings. He observed the greatest part of Solon's laws, showing himself the example, and obliging his friends to follow it. Thus when he was accused of murder before the court of areopagus, he appeared in a modest manner to make his defence; but his accuser dropped the impeachment. He likewise added other laws, one of which was, that persons maimed in the wars should be maintained at the public charge. Yet this, Heraclides tells us, was in pursuance of Solon's plan, who had decreed the same in the case of Thersippus. But according to Theophrastus, Pisistratus, not Solon, made the law against idleness, which produced at once greater industry in the country and tranquility in the city.

Solon, moreover, attempted in verse a large description, or rather fabulous account of the Atlantic Island,* which he had learned of the wise men of Sais, and which particularly concerned the Athenians; but by reason of his age, not want of leisure (as Plato would have it) he was apprehensive the work would be too much for him, and therefore

did not go through with it. These verses are a proof

that business was not the hindrance:

I grow in learning as I grow in years.

And again,

Wine, wit, and beauty still their charms bestow,
Light all the shades of life, and cheer us as we go.

Plato, ambitious to cultivate and adorn the subject of the Atlantic Island, as a delightful spot in some fair field un

*This fable imported, that the people of Atlantis having subdued all Libya, and a great part of Europe, threatened Egypt and Greece; but the Athenians making head against their victorious army, overthrew them in several engagements, and confined them to their own island.

occupied, to which also he had some claim related to Solon,* laid out magnificent court sures, and erected a grand entrance to it, suc story, fable, or poem ever had. But as he b he ended his life before the work; so that t reader is delighted with the part that is writte regret he has to find it unfinished. As the ten ter Olympius in Athens is the only one that last hand put to it, so the wisdom of Plato, a many excellent works has left nothing imper Atlantic Island.

Heraclides Ponticus relates that Solon lived able time after Pisistratus usurped the gover according to Phanias the Ephesian, not quite For Pisistratus began his tyranny in the archo mias, and Phanias tells us, Solon died in the of Hegestratus, the immediate successor to Co story of his ashes † being scattered about the i mis, appears absurd and fabulous and yet it i several authors of credit, and by Aristotle in p

:

PUBLICOLA.

SUCH is the character of Solon; and ther him we will compare Publicola, so called by t people, in acknowledgement of his merit; for nal name was Valerius. He was descended fro cient Valerius, who was the principal author o between the Romans and the Sabines. For he most effectually persuaded the two kings to conference, and to settle their differences.

*Plato's mother was a descendant of the brother of S It is said by Diogenes Laertius, that this was done order. In thus disposing of his remains, either Solon those who wrote his history, imitated the story of Lyc

man our Valerius deriving his extraction, distinguished himself by his eloquence and riches,* even while Rome was yet under kingly government. His eloquence he employed with great propriety and spirit in defence of justice, and his riches in relieving the necessitous. Hence it was natural to conclude, that if the government should become republican,† his station in it would soon be one of the most eminent.

When Tarquin the proud, who had made his way to the throne, by the violation of all rights,‡ divine and human, and then exercised his power as he acquired it, when, like an oppressor and a tyrant, he became odious and insupportable to the people; they took occasion to revolt, from the unhappy fate of Lucretia, who killed herself on account of the rape committed upon her by the son of Tarquin. Lucius Brutus, meditating a change of government, applied to Valerius first, and with his powerful assistance expelled the king and his family. Indeed, while

* Plutarch by this would insinuate, that arbitrary power is no friend to eloquence. And undoubtedly the want of liberty does depress the spirit, and restrain the force of genius: whereas, in republics and limited monarchies, full scope is given, as well as many occasions afforded to the richest vein of oratory.

† Governments, as well as other things, pushed to excessive lengths, often change to the contrary extreme.

He made use of the body of his father-in-law, Servius Tullius, whom he had murdered, as a step to the throne.

|| Livy tells us, that she desired her father and husband to meet her at her own house. With her father Lucretius came Publius Valerius, afterwards Publicola, and with her husband Lucius Junius Brutus, and many other Romans of distinction. To them she disclosed in few words the whole matter, declared her firm resolution not to outlive the loss of her honour, and conjured them not to let the crime of Sextus Tarquinius go unpunished. Then the heroine, notwithstanding their endeavours, to dissuade her from it, plunged a dagger in her breast. While the rest were filled with grief and consternation, Brutus, who, till that time, had feigned himself an idiot, to prevent his being obnoxious to the tyrant, took the bloody poniard, and shewing it to the assembly, said, “I swear by this blood, which once was so pure, and which nothing but the detestable villainy of Tarquin could have polluted, that I will pursue L. Tarquinius the proud, his wicked wi and their children, with fire and sword; nor will ever suffer any of that family, or any other whatsoever, to reign at Rome. Ye gods! I call you to witness this my oath." At these words he presented the dagger to Collatinus, Lucretius, Valerius, and the rest of the company; and engaged them to take the same cath.

the people seemed inclined to give one person the chief command, and to set up a general instead of a king, Valerius acquiesced, and willingly yielded the first place to Brutus, under whose auspices the republic commenced. But when it appeared that they could not bear the thought of being governed by a single person, when they seemed more ready to obey a divided authority, and indeed proposed and demanded to have two consuls at the head of the state, then he offered himself a candidate for that high office, together with Brutus, but lost his election. For, contrary to Brutus's desire, Tarquinius Collatinus, the husband of Lucretia, was appointed his colleague. Not that he was a more worthy or able man than Valerius; but those that had the chief interest in the state, apprehensive of the return of the Tarquins, who made great efforts without and endeavoured to soften the resentment of the citizens within, were desirous to be commanded by the most implacable enemy of that house.

Valerius, taking it ill that it should be supposed he would not do his utmost for his country, because he had received no particular injury from the tyrants, withdrew from the senate, forbore to attend the forum, and would not intermeddle in the least with public affairs. So that many began to express their fear and concern, lest through resentment he should join the late royal family, and overturn the commonwealth, which, as yet, was but tottering. Brutus was not without his suspicions of some others, and therefore determined to bring the senators to their oath on a solemn day of sacrifice, which he appointed for that purpose. On this occasion Valerius went with great alacrity into the forum, and was the first to make oath that he would never give up the least point, or hearken to any terms of agreement with Tarquin, but would defend the Roman liberty with his sword; which afforded great satisfaction to the senate, and strengthened the hands of the consuls.* His actions soon confirmed the sincerity

*Thus ended the regal state of Rome, 242 years, according to the common computation, after the building of the city. But Sir Isaac Newton justly observes, that this can scarce be reconciled to the course of nature, for we meet with no instance in all history, since chronology was certain, wherein seven kings, most of whom were slain, reigned so long a time in continual succession. By contrasting, therefore, the reigns of these kings, and those of the kings of Alba, he places the building of Rome, not in the seventh, but in the 38th Olympiad.

of his oath. For ambassadors came from Tarquin with letters calculated to gain the people, and instructions to treat with them in such a manner as might be most likely to corrupt them! as they were to tell them from the king, that he had bid adieu to his high notions, and was willing to listen to very moderate conditions. Though the consuls were of opinion, that they should be admitted to confer with the people, Valerius would not suffer it, but opposed it strongly, insisting that no pretext for innovation should be given the needy multitude, who might consider war as a greater grievance than tyranny itself.

After this ambassadors came, to declare that he would give up all thoughts of the kingdom, and lay down his arms, if they would but send him his treasures and other effects, that his family and friends might not want a subsistence in their exile. Many persons inclined to indulge him in this, and Collatinus in particular agreed to it; but Brutus,* a man of great spirit and quick resentment, ran into the forum, and called his colleague a traitor, for being disposed to grant the enemy the means to carry on the war, and recover the crown, when indeed it would be too much to grant them bread in the place where they might retire to. The citizens being assembled on that occasion, Caius Minutius, a private man, was the first who delivered his sentiments to them, advising Brutus, and exhorting the Romans, to take care that the treasures should fight for them against the tyrants, rather than for the tyrants against them. The Romans, however, were of opinion, that while they obtained that liberty for which they began the war, they should not reject the offered peace for the sake of the treasures, but cast them out together with the tyrants.

In the mean time Tarquinius made but small account of his effects; but the demand of them furnished a pretence for sounding the people, and for preparing a scene of treachery. This was carried on by the ambassadors under pretence of taking care of the effects, part of which they said they were to sell, part to collect, and the rest to

* Dionysius of Halicarnassus, on the contrary, says, the affair was debated in the senate with great moderation; and when it could not be settled there, whether they should prefer honour or profit, it was referred to people, who, to their immortal praise, carried it, by a majority of one vote, for honour.

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