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to St. Paul's, from the cathedral of Milan to that of Westminster, around which the sympathies of noble hearts and the prayers of the poor will gather, as around this Hall dedicated to the Rights of Man!

This is the home of the stranger, the resting-place of the fugitive, the slave's audience-chamber. Here the cause of the slave, the Seminole, and the Cherokee shall be heard. Here, on this rostrum, the advocates of holy justice, and Heaven-descended humanity, shall stand and plead for poor insulted man; here with boldness shall they untwist the guilty texture of those laws which from generation to generation have bound men in the dungeons of despair. Here, too, shall criminal expediency be hung up to a nation's scorn and the world's contempt; that expediency which adjusts political balances with the tears and blood of slaves, or sees a nation made homeless and exiled beyond the Mississippi for the purpose of securing its golden mines. Here shall the good cause come, though excluded from sectarian churches; here the despised form of shrunken humanity swells beyond the measure of its chains, as it ascends and seats itself beneath this dome, and feels itself enlarged by surrounding compassion.

This Temple of Liberty, I trust, will stand as a monument of honor to its founders, a standing reproach to the generation of this country in the thirty-ninth year of the nineteenth century-a generation, whose House of Representatives, in Congress, could resolve that all petitions on the subject of slavery should lie on its table, "unread, unprinted, unreferred, undebated, and unconsidered," '-a generation, who, in a fundamental act of constitutional and organic law, could strike from its roll of voters, in the pri mary assemblies, forty thousand freemen, because of their complexion,—a generation whose moral cowardice, only exceeded by their deliberate treachery to the rights of man, forced a necessity upon the true lovers of man and worshippers of God to erect this building, as a home where Truth might commune with her admirers, Patriotism with her followers, and Humanity with her friends.

Let this Hall be like a moral furnace, in which the fires of free discussion shall burn night and day, and purify public opinion of the base alloy of expediency, and all those inversions of truth, by which first principles are surrendered in subserviency to popular prejudice, or crime !

Let the gratitude of every lover of his country be expressed towards the gentlemen, who, in erecting this building, have in the most solemn manner rebuked a guilty age. As brick after brick shall moulder away, may the coming generations of mankind furnish men who shall restore the perished brick, the time-worn stone, and wasted wood of this temple, until wrong and crime shall be banished from our country, and the eye of the Angel of Freedom, gazing over its vast extent of territory, from the St. Croix to the Mexican Gulf, and from the Atlantic to the Pacific, looks down upon no slave!

WHEN the speaker had taken his seat a person rose, by the name of EDWARDS, a stranger to us, and asked permission to correct an error into which some of the speakers, during the Dedication, had fallen. He said he was not a Roman Catholic, but he believed them to be as much the friends of Liberty as the other denominations of Christians; and could point to individuals in Great Britain, belonging to that sect, who had been very active in the anti-slavery cause. It was, therefore, unfair to imply, as he thought some of the speakers had done, that the Roman Catholics

were opposed to freedom. Upon this, remarks were made by a number of persons; and, among other things, it was stated that the churches of the Roman Catholics were not disgraced by negro-pews, but that the different members of the human family met together there in worship without regard being paid to "the hue of their skin or the curl of their hair." ALVAN STEWART said this was new to him; and if it was a fact, it was very creditable to that denomination. He hoped it would be remembered by the abolitionists. For his part he disclaimed any intention of impeaching the character of the Roman Catholics.

A few remarks were then made by E. C. PRITCHETT, upon the grounds of hope that the anti-slavery cause will soon triumph;-stating that the slaveholders will be unable to resist the truth, and besides that they will soon find themselves borne along by the more powerful tide of public opinion. He was followed by C. C. BURLEIGH, who, in a single sentence, stated that he also felt assured of the success of abolitionism, but that his assurance was founded on the power of truth, and not of public opinion. He denied that the latter was the more powerful. PRITCHETT explained, and added some remarks to prove that public opinion, when once directed against slavery, would be irresistible.

WILLIAM H. BURLEIGH then rose and said, he hoped something substantial might be done for the poor Cherokees, to whom allusion has been made this afternoon, and who are about to be expelled on the 23d instant from their homes by the armed force of the United States. As some resolutions on this subject have been prepared, he hoped they would now be offered."

The following preamble and resolutions were then read and adopted. And we rejoice to say that, out of an audience of between two and three thousand persons, nearly all of whom voted, there were only three, we believe, who responded in the negative! This act of mercy and of Christian benevolence FINISHED THE DEDICATION of the Hall.

"At this time, when the liberties of a noble, but unfortunate race are about to be cloven down by the cupidity of an avaricious people, when a stain is about to be cast upon our national escutcheon, which the tears and regrets of after ages will never be able to remove,--it becomes the duty of all the friends of Humanity, to raise their voices against a measure which would thus entail disgrace upon this country, and ruin upon its aboriginal inhabitants. Therefore,

"Resolved, That we do unequivocally disapprove, and indignantly condemn, the attempt about to be made by the United States' Government, for the forcible removal of the Cherokee nation. Resolved, That a copy of the foregoing Preamble and Resolution be forwarded to our Representatives in Congress, to the President of the United States, and the Governor of our Commonwealth."

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The above resolutions were passed on the 16th. On the 22d the President of the United States sent a message to Congress, (accompanying a conciliatory communication, dated "May 18th," addressed by the Secretary of War to the Cherokee Delegation,) in order that such measures might be adopted by Congress "as are required to carry into effect the benevolent intentions of the government toward the Cherokee nation,” and which, it was hoped, would induce them to remove peaceably and contentedly to their new homes in the West."

We have not the vanity to suppose these resolutions produced either the message or the communication alluded to, but we do believe they were timely and proper; and we rejoice that the last act in the Dedication of the Pennsylvania Hall was an unequivocal testimony against the cruelty, frauds, and injustice practised against the persecuted and suffering Indian.

In the account of the meetings held in Pennsylvania Hall given thus far, we have confined ourselves to those which were held under the direction of the Managers, and which constituted the Dedication. The Lecture-room, however, was occupied on the preceding day by the "Anti-Slavery Convention of American Women," who also occupied the Saloon during a part of the succeeding day. Under the account of the next day's meetings we shall give the minutes of the proceedings of the Convention just named, from the commencement of its session up to the time of the fire, as published by that body.

The Pennsylvania State Anti-Slavery Society for the Eastern District, also, held two meetings in the Saloon this day. The minutes of these meetings have been published in the "Pennsylvania Freeman," a weekly paper of this city-the organ of that Society. They are as follows:

PROCEEDINGS OF THE STATE SOCIETY.

A meeting of the Pennsylvania State Anti-Slavery Society for the Eastern District, was held in the large Saloon of the Pennsylvania Hall, May 16, 1838, at eight o'clock, A. M.

Abr'm. L. Pennock, one of the Vice-Presidents of the Society, called the meeting to order, when, on motion, Lewis C. Gunn, Wm. A. Garrigues, and James Rhoads, were appointed Secretaries.

On motion, it was

Resolved, That members of Anti-Slavery Societies auxiliary to the State Society, but who have not been appointed delegates to this meeting, be received as such.

Resolved, That all strangers, members of Anti-Slavery Societies, in attendance, be invited to take seats as corresponding members.

Portions of the minutes of the First Annual meeting of the Society held at Harrisburg, January 15th, last, were then read.

On motion of Wm. H. Burleigh,

John W. Leeke, of Chester County, was invited to take a seat as a corresponding member.

The Report of the Executive Committee for the Eastern District was read, and, on motion, adopted.

On motion of Samuel Webb, it was

Resolved, That a large edition of the same be printed, and circulated in every part of the state, under the direction of the Executive Committee.

Peter Wright, William Jackson, Nathan Stem, George Sellers, Samuel Webb, and James Wood, were appointed a Finance Committee, to take into consideration the amount of money necessary to be raised during the ensuing year.

John G. Whittier read a statement of the number of societies which had reported themselves auxiliary to the State Society, and requested persons in attendance to furnish Joseph Healy (the agent of the Pennsylvania Freeman) with the names of all other societies not reported, also the date of their organization, number of members at that time and at the present, and the names of the President, Corresponding Secretary, and Recording Secretary of each.

William Harned, Lewis C. Gunn, and Samuel D. Hastings were then appointed a committee to confer with the Convention of American Women, the Requited Labor Convention, and the Managers of the Pennsylvania Hall, relative to holding meetings during the remainder of the Present week.

The following resolution, adopted by the American Anti-Slavery Society at its last stated meeting, relative to the relations of the Parent Society and its auxiliaries, was referred to Lewis C. Gunn, John G. Whittier, Wm. C. Bradley, Joseph Janney, James W. Weir, Lindley Coates, Alan W. Corson, Wm. H. Johnson, and James Fulton, jr., for consideration.

"Resolved, That it be recommended to such state or other auxiliaries as are disposed to take the charge of the Abolition cause within their respective fields, to make arrangements with the Executive Committee of this Society, guaranteeing to our treasury such stated payments as may be judged reasonable, and then assume within their own limits the entire direction of lecturers and agents in forming local societies, collecting funds, circulating memorials, and establishing libraries; and that this Society will not send its agents to labor for these objects in such states as carry out this plan, except in concurrence with the State Executive Committee."

On motion,

Resolved, That when we adjourn, we adjourn to meet this afternoon at two o'clock.

Wm. A. Garrigues, Wm. H. Scott, Benjamin S. Jones, James Rhoads, and Dr. Isaac Parrish, were appointed a committee to prepare and arrange suitable business for the Society.

The Society adjourned.

Afternoon Session.-Vice-President Lindley Coates was called to the Chair.

As a considerable number of delegates had arrived since the morning session, and taken their seats, it was, on motion,

Resolved, That the business committee appointed this morning be discharged and a new one appointed in its place.

The following named persons were then appointed to that duty, viz.:Benjamin Lundy, James Fulton, jr., Simon Hawley, Joshua Dungan, Alexander Graydon, George Sellers, Lindley Coates, Samuel M. Painter, Benjamin Bowne, Joseph S. Pickering, John Thomas, Hugh Gilmore, Samuel D. Hastings, Alan W. Corson, Mahlon Murphey, Frederic A. Hinton, and James M'Crummell.

Samuel Webb offered the following resolutions:

Resolved, That we will neither vote for, nor support the election of, any man to any legislative office whatever, who is opposed to the immediate abolition of slavery.

Resolved, That we recommend all societies auxiliary to this Society, to pass a similar resolution.

Resolved, That every abolitionist, who has a right to vote, be earnestly and affectionately recommended to carry his abolition principles to the polls, and that we cause our petitions to be heard through the medium of the ballot-box.

Alvan Stewart, of Utica, N. Y., eloquently advocated the passage of these resolutions.

John G. Whittier offered the following as a substitute, viz.:

Resolved, That we hold our right of suffrage sacred to the cause of freedom-and that those candidates for office who are opposed to the abolition of slavery within the jurisdiction of Congress-who encourage, or in any way sustain mob-law, in its attempts to put down the freedom of speech, and of the press-and who are in favor of disfranchising the colored citizens of the state, are unworthy to represent freemen, and, whatever may be their party or pretensions, SHALL NOT HAVE OUR VOTES.

The consideration of these resolutions was made the order of the day for Friday morning next, 18th inst., when the Society adjourned until that time, to meet at half past seven o'clock.

LEWIS C. GUNN, Secretary.

THIRD DAY-EVENING MEETING.

DURING the day, application was made to the Managers by a gentleman, who was one of a committee of arrangements, for the use of the Saloon this evening "for a public meeting, to be addressed by Angelina E. G. Weld, Maria W. Chapman, and others." At the time, we understood the meeting was to be one of the Anti-Slavery Convention of American Women, then in session in this city; and in our communications to the Mayor and Sheriff we so stated it. But we have since ascertained that many of the members of that Convention disapproved of the public addresses of women to promiscuous assemblies, and that, therefore, the meeting was not called or managed by them as a Convention, but by a number of individuals whose views were different, and who were anxious that such a meeting should be held.

Long before the time for the meeting to commence, the Hall was thronged; and hundreds, if not thousands, went away, unable to obtain access. Notwithstanding the immensity of the congregation, there was but little confusion in the building, and that soon subsided, although frequent vollies. of stones were thrown against the windows, and some disorganizers within made repeated efforts to frighten the audience. The firmness and self-possession of the speakers could not fail to excite admiration, and tended greatly to preserve the order of the meeting. The first speaker was WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON.*

REMARKS OF WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON.

He commenced his remarks by quoting, in justification of his plainness of speech respecting slavery and slaveholders, the admirable defence made by Martin Luther under circumstances, as he said, somewhat analogous, namely that almost all men condemned the tartness of his expressions; but he was of opinion that God would have the deceits of men thus powerfully exposed; for he plainly perceived that those things which were softly dealt with in this corrupt age, gave people but light concern, and were presently forgotten. If at any time he had exceeded the bounds of moderation, the monstrous turpitude of the times had transported him. Nor did he transcend the example of Christ, who, when he had to deal with people of like manners, called them sharply by their proper names—such as, an adulterous and perverse generation-a brood of vipers-hypocrites-children of the Devil, who could not escape the damnation of hell. The crime of slaveholding is so atrocious, so contrary to every principle of humanity and every law of justice, so terrible in its results, and so impious in its claims, that

* As this gentleman has been accused by some of the newspaper editors of this city and by others, who know not whereof they affirm, and care not whether they utter truth or falsehood, of having branded Washington as a robber and a man-stealer, in his addresses in the Hall, we here contradict the report unequivocally, and pronounce it absolutely false. If his addresses were not furnished, to satisfy the unbelieving, we could appeal with confidence to all who heard him, to bear witness against his accusers. Neither in the Hall, nor on any other occasion, as he himself says, in referring to the charge, has he meddled with the memory of Washington in the manner falsely ascribed to him. The fact is, our warfare is with the living, not with the dead.

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