fluence on the community in which it is located, its prospects are most flattering, and no society has acted more efficiently in the petition business. We know of another society of forty-six members, of whom only two or three take an Anti-Slavery paper. Societies will not act efficiently, they cannot act intelligently, they must backslide, if they do not supply themselves well with Anti-Slavery publications. Is it not a shame, that within the limits of societies numbering forty, sixty, seventy members, but two or three numbers of our paper should be taken? Nay, we have been told of one large society, that not only took no Anti-Slavery papers, but had never sent up delegates to our anniversaries, and, in fact, knew nothing about them. In the name of common sense, what good does such a society propose to accomplish? A light under a bushel might as well be put out. Organization without effort, is all a farce. An artificial skeleton of dry bones has no more power, than the same bones had before they were jointed, wired, and so arranged as to constitute a form of life.”

The taunting question heard so long, and so untiringly repeated, "What has the North to do with slavery?" is most triumphantly answered by the practice of any one active, consistent member of an Anti-Slavery Society. As "we remember them in bonds as bound with them," we find we have much to do, much even for ourselves. How slowly, yet how surely, do we feel the loosening of those bonds of prejudice wherewith we have been bound; how slow were we to feel the truth that all men are indeed "born free and equal?" How much do we find to do in acting up to this doctrine, in our closets, in our families, in our intercourse with the world, and by the way side! The attentive consideration of what we owe to our colored brethren, will dispose us to manifest our sympathy with them; and to show them by our conduct that we do not consider them as strangers and aliens; that we appreciate their manly struggles for the advancement of their race; and when favorable circumstances permit the escape of any beyond the prescribed length of the chain which has bound them, we cannot, we dare not, join in the rude ridicule of the vulgar, the sneering contempt of the supercilious, or the mistaken kindness of the benevolent, who say that to awaken their sensibilities to their grievances would be cruelty in the extreme; that "where ignorance is bliss 'tis folly to be wise." We see the fallacy of this hackneyed sentiment. Ignorance is not bliss-insensibility is not enjoyment. The objector little knows how tightly these fetters of caste have been drawn around, how deeply they have scarred their victim! how bitterly the injustice has been felt; and the more intensely, as it has been borne in silence, without either the solace of sympathy or the hope of relief.

The education of colored children recommends itself to abolitionists, as the most efficient means of raising them from their present despised condition. Many societies have established schools, (ought not all to do it?) wherein their younger members cheerfully devote a portion of their leisure time to the instruction, not only of the children, but of adults. The eagerness for learning manifested by most escaped from the house of bondage, their anxiety to improve the intervals of labor in acquiring knowledge, is too touching to be unnoticed or disregarded; it proves that their ignorance is not natural stupidity, that their degradation is the work of the oppressor, that the darkness in which they have been shrouded is a darkness to be felt. Let us, then, encourage and aid their earnest efforts, and though in many instances little can be done towards repairing their deep wrong in their own persons, yet we can incite them to provide, by industry, frugality, and enterprise, all the blessings of freedom for their children.

While we thus labor to restore to our colored brethren the rights of which they have been so long and so unjustly deprived, let us endeavor to come to the work with pure hearts and clean hands. Let us refuse to participate in the guilt of him "who useth his neighbor's service without wages, and giveth him not for his work." Whether we are guiltless of such participation while we continue to purchase and use the products of unrequited toil, becomes a question of serious import, and one which we recommend to your attentive consideration.

It is not necessary to enter into a labored argument to prove that one of the main props of the system of slavery is the price paid by the inhabitants of non-slaveholding states and countries for the productions of the states in which slavery prevails. This is so evident that we presume none will dispute it. Considering the fact, then, as admitted, we would ask, what is the slaveholder but our agent, holding and using his human chattels for our benefit? and if it be true that "what a man does by another, he does himself," are we not partners with him in guilt? With what consistency, then, can we demand that he "undo the heavy burdens, and let the oppressed go free," while we continue to pay him for retaining them in bondage?

Our inconsistency, in this respect, does not escape the vigilant eyes of our opponents. Said a slaveholder to an abolitionist, "we make the sugar, and you buy it," thus plainly intimating that if they were culpable, we were far from blaineless. We feel that on this point we have been verily guilty, and though the scales are falling from the eyes of many, yet much remains to be done among ourselves. And what are the motives that restrain us from acting consistently on this subject? Are we unwilling to forego a few sensual gratifications in such a cause? Will we not consent to be somewhat more coarsely clothed, and to deny the palate some of its wonted gratifications, rather than contribute to swell the burden of sighs and groans which unceasingly ascend from breaking hearts to the throne of Him" who executeth righteousness and judgment for all that are oppressed?"

In presenting to your consideration a few remarks on the subject of peace, we would not be understood as wishing to identify the anti-slavery cause with that of peace. We no more desire that the Anti-Slavery Society should become a Peace Society, than we wish it to be a Temperance, Bible, or Missionary Society. We believe that each of these objects may be best promoted by a distinct organization of its friends. Nor have we any intention of discussing the abstract question of the lawfulness of war, or the right of using violence in self-defence. We would only suggest to you, the importance of carefully examining how far abolitionists are restrained from the use of such methods of defence, by their declaration of sentiments, issued at the time of the formation of the American Anti-Slavery Society; and what the influence of its use would probably be upon our cause. From these two positions only, do we feel at liberty to present the subject.

The declaration of sentiments of the Anti-Slavery Convention, assembled in Philadelphia in

1833, contrasts the principles and measures of abolitionists, and those of our revolutionary fathers, in the following language:

"Their principles led them to wage war against their oppressors, and to spill human blood, like water, in order to be free. Ours forbid the doing of evil that good may come, and lead us to reject and to entreat the oppressed to reject, the use of all carnal weapons for deliverance from bondage; relying solely upon those which are spiritual, and mighty, through God, to the pulling down of strong holds."

"Their measures were physical resistance -the marshalling in arms-the hostile array-the mortal encounter. Ours shall be such only as the opposition of moral purity to moral corruptionthe destruction of error by the potency of truth," &c.

Sentiments, analogous to these, have been incorporated into the constitutions of many AntiSlavery Societies, and are supposed to be adopted by abolitionists generally. Are we not, by them, bound utterly to reject the use of weapons of physical resistance, in our efforts to promote the emancipation of the slave? How far the restriction is applicable to cases of defence against invasion of the personal rights of abolitionists, while acting as such, each much decide for himself. We regard such a decision of so much importance, that we would urge upon you a serious reconsideration of the subject.

Without entering at all into a discussion of the right to adopt such measures, we think it may be shown that their use would injure rather than aid our cause. In the few instances where the lives of abolitionists have been in immediate peril, has it not been seen that non-resistance has as effectually shielded the individual, as an opposite course of conduct, while it won more honor to his principles? And has it not in all ages, among all classes of men, been established as a general truth, that, while physical strength and violence may be foiled or overcome, unresisting and forbearing meekness is almost omnipotent in the propagation of truth. The "wisdom of this world" has never understood the philosophy of forgiveness." The patient endurance of injuries, the returning of good for evil, exert an influence on the human soul, so silent that it cannot be believed in, until it is felt, and yet so mighty, that it has been compared, by Him who knew what was in man," to heaping coals of fire on the head. We deem it very desirable and important that so powerful an influence should be enlisted in the anti-slavery cause. The work that we have to perform is an Herculean task, and we would gladly avail ourselves of all righteous means of hastening its accomplishment.

It is a universally admitted truth, that opposition strengthens human purpose, unless the judgment and conscience are convinced that the course pursued is wrong or inexpedient. Such conviction is not produced, is not designed to be produced, by the measures which we are discussing; therefore, they unfit the mind for the reception of truth, and the heart for righteous action. Thus the only influence which their use exerts upon the progress of anti-slavery principles, is deleterious. And even if it were admitted that they are sometimes necessary for the preservation of life, are there not those who love the cause of freedom and of God, with an ardor sufficient to induce them to suffer the loss of life, rather than injure the prosperity of that cause?

To pursue the discussion of this subject farther, would perhaps be to transcend our prescribed limits. We earnestly and respectfully commend it to the attention of our fellow laborers, especially to that portion of them who believe that Christianity justifies a resort to arms for selfpreservation. Those who do not thus believe, of course, need not such arguments as we have presented.

Aware that a disposition to "prove all things," has ever been characteristic of abolitionists, we feel assured that by careful study, and fervent prayer, they will be enabled to choose right paths for their feet, and that, in the accomplishment of a work upon which God has so manifestly set his seal of approbation, his servants will not be left unaided by the illuminations of that Holy Spirit who was sent to guide them "into all truth."

In looking back on the past, have we not much to encourage us to persevere in the work set before us? For a long period a solitary voice was heard crying in the wilderness; now there is the shouting of a host. Then was demanded a little more sleep, a little more slumber; now there is the awakening of the nation; and though not yet sufficiently aroused to discern friends in those who have shaken this false rest, yet if we fail not in our duty, there can be no more" folding of the hands to sleep," but our country will arise and go forth, clothed with majesty and girded with power.

In behalf of the Anti-Slavery Convention of American Women, assembled at Philadelphia. Signed by the officers.

On motion of Thankful Southwick, Resolved, That it is the duty of all those who call themselves abolitionists, to make the most vigorous efforts to procure for the use of their families the products of free labor, so that their hands may be clean, in this particular, when inquisition is made for blood.

Esther Moore made some remarks upon the importance of carrying into effect the resolutions that had been passed.

Adjourned to meet in Temperance Hall, on Friday morning, at 9 o'clock.

This was the last meeting held in Pennsylvania Hall! Business connected with the safety of the building made it necessary for members of the Board of Managers to pass several times through the Saloon where this

Convention was in session, and a more dignified, calm, and intrepid body of persons they never saw assembled. Although the building was surrounded all day by the mob, who crowded about the doors and at times even attempted to enter the Saloon, yet they were perfectly collected-unmoved by the threatening tempest. The cause which they were assembled to promote, is one that nerves the soul to deeds of noble daring. The Convention adjourned late in the afternoon, when the mob which destroyed the building had already begun to assemble. The doors were blocked up by the crowd, and the streets almost impassable from the multitude of "fellows of the baser sort." But these "American Women" passed through the whole without manifesting any sign of fear, as if conscious of their own greatness and of the protecting care of the God of the oppressed.

The State Anti-Slavery Society, the Requited Labor Convention, and the Anti-Slavery Convention of American Women, all held meetings on the subsequent day, according to their adjournments; the latter were in session during the whole day, and finished their business. But as those meetings were not held in Pennsylvania Hall, their proceedings do not form a part of the history of that building.

DESTRUCTION OF THE HALL.

IT is with reluctance we come before the public with the story of our wrongs. Were we to consult our own feelings, we should draw a veil over the disgraceful transactions we are about to disclose. But it is right that our fellow citizens should know the true state of the case.

It is believed that the destruction of our Hall by a mob is not a true exponent of the sentiments of THE CITIZENS of PHILADELPHIA; but that a large majority of the legal voters think the Constitutional right to assemble together in a peaceable manner and freely to express our sentiments, should be maintained against all mobs, whatever may be the subject under discussion.

The owners of Pennsylvania Hall have been among the first of the friends of liberty who have been attacked; but it is to be feared they will not be the last. If this gross outrage shall pass unrebuked, then, indeed, may our banks, and churches, and courts of justice, be razed to their foundations. The Council and Senate Chambers, the Hall of Representatives, and even the HALL OF INDEPENDENCE itself, may not be safe. Anarchy may usurp the place of law, and be succeeded by a fearful despotism.

But to come directly to the account of the outrage. On Tuesday morning, the second day of the Dedication, placards were posted in manuscript about the city. The following, taken down in the morning, must have been put up on the preceding evening:

"Whereas a convention for the avowed purpose of effecting the immediate abolition of slavery in the Union is now in session in this city, it behooves all citizens, who entertain a proper respect for the right of property, and the preservation of the Constitution of the United States, to interfere, forcibly if they must, and prevent the violation of these pledges, heretofore held sacred,

"We would therefore propose to all persons, so disposed, to assemble at the Pennsylvania Hall in 6th street, between Arch and Race, on to-morrow morning (Wednesday 16th May) at 11 o'clock, and demand the immediate dispersion of said couvention.-May 15th 1838."

We have the original in our possession, of which the above is a copy literatim et punctuatim. We have also the original of two other placards, one written on the same kind of paper as that above, and in a hand very similar. It was taken off an awning post in Market street, on Wednesday morning, having probably been put up on Tuesday evening. It appears to be written more carelessly than the other:

"Whereas a Convention for the avowed purpose of effecting the immediate abolition of slavery throughout the U. States, is at this time holding its session in Philadelphia, it behooves all citizens entertaining a proper respect for the right of property and the Constitution of these states to interfere, forcibly if they must, and prevent the violation of pledges heretofore held sacred. "We therefore propose that all persons so disposed meet at Pennsylvania Hall on 6th st, between Arch and Race to-morrow, Wednesday May 16th and demand the immediate dispersion of said Convention;

The other is in nearly the same language:

Several Citizens.

Whereas a convention for the avowed purpose of effecting the immediate abolition of slavery throughout the United States is at this time holding its session in Philadelphia, it behooves all citizens who entertain a proper regard for the right of property and the preservation of the Consti tution of this Union to interfere forcibly if they must, and prevent the violation of those pledges heretofore held sacred.

We therefore propose that all persons so disposed assemble at the Pennsylvania Hall to-mor row, (Wednesday the 16th May,) at 11 A. M., and demand the dispersion of said convention. Signed, Several Citizens,