faults, it has the merit of novelty, at least. I despise the man, that dares thus to palter with his conscience for the support of this nefarious traffic. I abhor him who would impiously attempt to deriye authority from Heaven itself, for this earthly abomination. The devil, it is true, can cite Scripture for his purpose,-but that man should venture to arraign the decrees of Providence, or to render them subservient to the gratification of selfishness or iniquity, is to pronounce his own condemnation, in the voice of that very authority to which he appeals for excuse.

But to return again to the remedies for the evil. The last measure I would advise, should be the passage of a law rendering all colored children born after a given time, free, upon their arrival at a certain age. Time, and the occasion, will not allow me to go into minute details, for the purpose of exhibiting the mutual advantages of the reform thus proposed. But they must be obvious to every thinking and practical mind. It is apparent, however, that, in most of these recommendations, we contemplate the concurrence of national and state efforts, as well as those of individuals. If that concurrence should eventually be obtained, and if professions be true, who shall doubt it,—although no one of these methods might be calculated to counteract the evil complained of, in their joint and concentrated influence their success will be inevitable; and in less than half a century from this period, the groans and clanking chains, and heavy curses of slavery, shall be heard, and seen, and felt no more. The joy of our national anniversary shall be doubled, and we shall commemorate, at the same time, the achievement of liberty by ourselves, and the still more glorious extension of it from ourselves to others.

To effectuate this great object, immediate means must be adopted. There must be no time-serving, no luke-warmness, no abandonment of principle; let us knock constantly at the portals of liberty; night and day, until our admission is secured, and our prayers are granted. For my single self, I would rather have it inscribed on my humble tomb, that I gave freedom to one man, than that I was the first discoverer and founder of the whole colony of Liberia; aye, or even of the continent of America itself, if it is to be devoted to slavery. Let us but once establish a colony in the human heart, dedicated and consecrated to philanthropy and justice, and its influence shall extend throughout the land,-and its glorious rays, like those of the sun, shall dispense peace and plenty, and warmth, and vigor, and light and life, to this New World-Egyptian darkness shall flee before it, and Egyptian bondage, in the transport of regeneration, shall burst its galling fetters, and slavery shall be no more.

We cannot take leave of this subject without some remarks in relation to ourselves. That we have the right to discuss and condemn slavery, it is in vain to deny. That we have also the right to use every possible effort with the government, and with the free and slave states to abolish it, is equally beyond dispute; but, nevertheless, let us ever be discreet,-for although prudence is said to be a coward virtue, in great political experiments it is worth all the rest. We yield to no man in the warmth of our attachment to this great cause; we can neither be seduced by favor, nor alarmed by threats, into an abandonment of our conscientious opinion. But still, we would not encroach, unnecessarily, for the benefit of one class of men, upon the peace and tranquillity of another. The slaves, themselves, can, as matters now stand, do nothing towards their own emancipation; they may do much to prevent it, and we should, therefore, be careful to abstain from every measure that may be calculated to excite in them a hostile or rebellious spirit towards those to whom, as the laws now exist, they owe unqualified

obedience. Let it be borne in mind, that the slave is not alone to be com. miserated; the master may also be an object of compassion.

That we have no privilege to express our abhorrence of slavery; to assail colonization, as imparting no relief from its horrors; to adopt every honorable means to abolish both, is what never will, and never can be reasonably contended. But to foment factions,-to carry on an exterminating and implacable war against our Southern brethren,--to invade their firesides, and disturb their domestic security, is as remote from our duty, as it is from our design and desire.

We have no sectional feelings, nor personal jealousies; we have no malevolence towards any man; we have none of that hatred for our adversaries, that seems to be apprehended; nor can we look with any thing short of horror at the appalling spectres conjured up to our view, of civil war, of bloodshed, and desolation; yet all these "convenient scarecrows,' with twenty times their stop, shall never deter us from a candid and dispassionate expression of our sentiments upon this momento us question. Our state would be worse than that of the slave whose condition we deplore, if we are to submit to the shackles of the mind, nor dare to express opinions so near the heart, upon a subject so dear to the nation. We know this is a subject upon which the South is highly sensitive, and which requires great tenderness; but it also requires great firmness and decision. A too delicate and tremulous hand, even in the most painful operations, endangers the life of the patient, and is the height of cruelty, as it produces agony without any commensurate benefit. That there may be individuals with us who carry their zeal to an improper extent, and are occasionally transported beyond the bounds of reason, it would be useless to deny. We lay claim to no infallibility. Zealots are not confined to the profession of religion; they are to be found in all orders and degrees of men; but their enthusiasm, if not entirely justified, is certainly no legitimate subject of reproach upon the principles for which they intemperately contend, or upon the men by whom the same principles are more moderately and judiciously enforced.

Collision, actual or imaginary, will ever be attended with excitement; but when the struggle between opposing parties is directed to the same great object, and the points in difference are rather in respect to men and measures, than in regard to principles and motives, we should at least be sparing of our censure, if not lavish of our praise. Let us not, in self-exultation, impiously thank heaven that we are not as the Pharisees are, but with Christian charity and humility do good unto those who despitefully use us and persecute us, and thereby establish a practical superiority.

It is but fair, having thus imperfectly submitted our views, to cast a hasty glance at some of those which are entertained by many of our respectable fellow citizens. Let it not be supposed that we are enemies to colonization, rightly understood. We may be Christians, as well as our neighbors, without adopting all the ceremonies belonging to their creed. They may establish a thousand colonies, and people them all, provided the colonies are not converted into grave-yards, and the inhabitants into ghosts. They may extend the blessings of liberty as far as the sun shines, if they will only begin at home. They tell us Liberia is the land of promise. This is most true. But it is not the land of performance; and that, in short, is our very objection," it keeps the word of promise to the ear, and breaks it to the hope." The mind of man is ever studious of change and pleased with novelty. If, therefore, Liberia presented any of those advantages which are professed, there would be abundant testimonials in its favor,-not from its agents, not from those who are pensioned out of it, not from those who have embarked their means in it, but never saw it, but from those for

whom it was ostensibly designed, and who, so far from its commendation, seem to consider it at best but a poor exchange for the slavery from which they were relieved. It is said, however, that its want of success is imputable to the opposition of this Society. That, indeed, is also partly true; but that opposition would not have prevailed, and might never have commenced, if it had not been for the remarkable vulnerability of its adversary, and the strong appeals of humanity in behalf of those whose credulity was abused, and whose rights were despised. Had it succeeded, its success could never have been a national blessing, but might have conduced to lull us into a fancied security, a fatal slumber in the very arms of an earthquake, from which we could have been aroused only by the sound of the last trumpet.

They further say, that the South unites with them, and it might seem so, but, in truth, they rather unite with the South; and we defy any man carefully to examine their doctrines-their constitution-and the speeches of their respective supporters, without arriving at the conclusion that they are entirely dependent, for their existence as a Society, upon the South? "A breath unmakes them, as a breath has made." Bound by this tenure, what free will or agency can they have-upon what security can they build their prospects of success? Upon empty and indefinite pledgesupon futile and illusory hopes-upon visionary gratuities and concessions, made to-day and forfeited to-morrow? or, if not actually forfeited, liable to such modifications and restraints as shall tend to relieve the slaveholder, without relieving the slave!

In

We have thus, in rapid review, shown you what is liberty and what is slavery; how the former may be preserved and the latter abolished. conclusion, let me implore you to persevere in your enterprise, but with all becoming tenderness and sympathy; let not the indignation which you feel for the sufferings of your fellow men, betray you into intemperate measures that shall rather increase than allay those sufferings. The object of your association is to restore the slaves to freedom, and, while thus improving their condition, to meliorate that of the country at large. The magnanimity of this object no one can deny; but, nevertheless, much must depend upon the means adopted for its accomplishment. Do not, therefore, by a pertinacious and selfish adherence to any favorite plan, place in jeopardy that success to which all views, in order to be eligible, ought to be directed. Virtue, it is true, is always fearless, but always cautious. A headlong devotion to the purest and most heavenly pursuits not only involves the votary in danger, but often precedes assured disappointment and defeat. On the other hand, be not too tame neither: tameness and timidity are unworthy of this great cause, and often produce or promote the very danger which they apprehend. In fine, through evil and through good report, ever manifest yourselves to be the true soldiers of the blessed cross; the steady and devout followers of your heavenly Exemplar, "the chief among ten thousand, and altogether lovely."

AFTERNOON SESSION.

THE afternoon was appropriated to the Philadelphia Lyceum, and the exercises were of a scientific and literary character. It was expected that the proceedings of this and of the subsequent meeting of the Lyceum, would be published at length in this work, but the following communication will sufficiently explain why they are omitted.

To the Managers of the Pennsylvania Hall Association:

Esteemed Friends :-It becomes my duty to forward to you the enclosed resolution of the Philadelphia Lyceum, to whom you kindly granted the use of your Hall, on the afternoon of the 14th and 15th inst.

This procedure of the Lyceum grew out of an over-anxiety on the part of some of our members, that the Lyceum, which is a literary institution, should not appear to be in any way connected with the benevolent institution known by the name of the Anti-Slavery Society, which met in your Hall on that same week.

How your publishing the proceedings of the Lyceum would prove any such connection, I am entirely at a loss to perceive.

Respectfully, I remain

Fifth month 26th, 1838.

Your friend,

SAMUEL WEBB, President.

At a meeting of the Philadelphia Lyceum, held Fifth month 26th, 1838, the following preamble and resolution were adopted:

WHEREAS, the Managers of the Pennsylvania Hall have resolved to publish a book, containing an account of the proceedings held therein, during its dedication; and whereas, this Lyceum is not in any way connected with the abolition question, therefore,

Resolved, That the Managers of the Pennsylvania Hall be respectfully requested not to publish in said book the proceedings of this Lyceum, at their meetings held in said Hall.

Extracted from the Minutes.

HAWORTH WETHERALD, Secretary.

EVENING SESSION.

A CROWDED audience assembled at 8 o'clock in the evening, to hear addresses on the subject of Temperance, from ARNOLD BUFFUM, of Philadelphia, and THOMAS P. HUNT, of North Carolina, both of which have been kindly furnished for publication.

ADDRESS OF ARNOLD BUFFUM.

I ADDRESS not myself to drunkards, for in this highly respectable audience there are none of that unfortunate class; but I address those who, more than drunkards, stand in the way of the temperance reformation.

First-The thoughtless moderate drinkers of fermented and spirituous liquors, who, however, when convinced of their danger, will cordially come over to the temperance cause.

Secondly-Those half-ruined moderate drinkers, who have considered the subject, but still are unwilling to deny themselves the dangerous indulgence, either for their own safety, or for the good of others.

Thirdly-That portion of the practically temperate who are afraid of being contaminated by associating with the active friends of the cause, in doing good.

To each of these classes, I propose to offer such brief remarks, as the very limited time allotted me will allow, and then give way to the distinguished advocate of the cause, who is to follow me.

Philanthropists and Christians, in making their observations upon men, have witnessed, with deep regret, that in the most civilized and Christian nations, a large proportion, through the destructive influence of fermented and spirituous liquors, have so fallen under the controling power of their appetites and passions, that, drinking to intoxication, they have been designated by the opprobrious epithet of drunkards; and, moved by the best feelings of humanity and religion, they have adopted 'such measures as to them seemed best calculated to arrest the flood of intemperance. They sought to reclaim the drunkard from his ruinous indulgence, by kind persuasion, by legislative restrictions, and by the terrors of the wrath of God. But all these proved unavailing the drunkard still pursued his dreadful career, until, having filled his measure of iniquity, delirium tremens consigned him to his eternal doom, and when one generation of drunkards was swept away, their places in the catalogue of sin and wretchedness, were supplied by a portion of the same persons who had been so zealously engaged in fruitless efforts to reclaim them.

It is but a just concession to the claims of humanity, to suppose that even those who have become drunkards had, while in the possession of a sober understanding, commiserated the condition of the miserable victims of alcohol. But there was a fatal error at the foundation of all the benevolent efforts for reclaiming drunkards, which entirely defeated the purpose. This error consisted in the supposition, that intoxication was the cause of the wretchedness and ruin which follow the use of fermented and spirituous