some of them should be made elective. This is undoubtedly true; and I shall be glad to approve further judicious legislation supplementary to this, which shall make the change more valuable and surround it with safeguards in the interests of the citizens. But such further legislation should be well digested and conservative, and above all not proposed for the purpose of gaining a mere partisan advantage.

I have not referred to the pernicious practices which the present mode of making appointments in the city of New York engenders, nor in the constantly recurring bad results for which it is responsible. They are in the plain sight of every citizen of the State.

I believe the change made by the provisions of this bill gives opportunity for an improvement in the administration of municipal affairs; and I am satisfied that the measure violates no right of the people of the locality affected, which they now enjoy. But the best opportunities will be lost, and the most perfect plan of city government will fail, unless the people recognize their responsibilities and appreciate and realize the privileges and duties of citizenship. With the most carefully devised charter, and with all the protection which legislative enactments can afford them, the people of the city of New York will not secure a wise and economical rule until those having the most at stake determine to actively interest themselves in the conduct of municipal affairs. GROVER CLEVELAND.

This message was generally and cordially commended at so recent a day that it is not necessary to dwell here upon the profound impression it made. The bill was followed by measures instituting reform in the offices of Surrogate, County Clerk and Register in New York city, all of which were signed by Governor Cleveland after they had been recalled, at his suggestion conveyed in a special message, and radical defects in construction remedied. In the special message referred to, after suggesting the recall of the bills for amendment, the following language was used by the Governor :

I am led to make this suggestion for the reason that these bills belong to a class of remedial measures of great importance, and from the enactment of which valuable reforms are anticipated. It is manifest that their good effect should not be jeopardized or diminished by imperfection in their form or by the omission of any provisions which tend to make them complete and effective,

The message concluded in the following words:

I have not had an opportunity to examine the other bills in my hands, similar to those referred to, relating to the public offices in the city of New York, with such care as is necessary, to determine whether they contain similar imperfections.

I recommend that bills, which are above referred to, be recalled for amendment. And in view of the near approach of the final adjournment of the Legislature, I suggest that the other bills of a like character be also recalled or carefully examined by some party familiar with the subjects they embrace, so that fatal defects shall not be discovered when it is too late for amendment.

Notwithstanding this express warning, two of the bills, one regulating the terms of several of the officers of the city of New York, and the second reorganizing the Park Commission of the city, were left in a condition of which in his veto Governor Cleveland said: "Of all the defective and shabby legislation which has been presented to me, this is the worst and most inexcusable." The veto message proceeds to disclose a series of blunders, inconsistencies, and ambiguities sufficient to paralyze the operations of the bills, if they were to be approved, and concludes in these words:

Appreciating the litigation and the sacrifice of rights and interests which result from defective laws, I have earnestly tried, during my official term, to enforce care in their preparation. I am importuned every day to allow laws to go upon the statute book, which are mischievously imperfect, but which are deemed good enough to promote the purposes of interested parties. It is not pleasant, constantly, to refuse such applications, but I conceive it my duty to do so.

Though the purposes of these bills are supposed to be in the public interest, and though their failure may be a disappointment to many, I do not see that I should allow them to breed dispute and litigation touching important public offices, and to be made troublesome precedents to encourage careless and vicious legislation. GROVER CLEVELAND.

CHAPTER XIV.

LOCAL MEASURES.

UTSIDE of the two salient features already noted, rec

OUT

ord of the session of the Legislature of 1884 consists of local measures in the approbation or disapprobation of which the same principles of action, which have before been observed, were consistently and courageously applied.

On the subject of special legislation for villages the following pertinent suggestions were made:

The bills amending village charters that are so constantly and upon slight pretexts presented to the Legislature, consume much time to very little purpose, and they should be rejected as often as it can be done without absolute injury.

The general laws which have been passed authorizing the incorporation of villages, it seems to me, meet every conceivable need of these communities; and if the provisions of such laws were made applicable to villages having special charters, so far as they are not in conflict therewith, much trouble and annoyance would be prevented, and the people of the villages within the State would be abundantly protected.

I earnestly recommend that a law be passed for that purpose.

And again :

It is well for the people living in villages, who are ambitious to secure a city charter, to understand that the enjoyment of urban residence necessarily entails a great increase of expense and taxation. This being the case, it would be proper, it seems to me, if such a change could but be made without a formal expression of the people on the subject. In any event, the matter should be fully and freely discussed, and if a city charter is to be allowed, it should be prepared with the greatest care and deliberation, and solely in the interest of those to be governed thereby.

The same watchful vigilance was exercised over the appropriations of public money for unlawful purposes, as dur

ing the previous year; but the Legislature had profited by the lessons of economy inculcated during the first year and in fewer instances was it necessary to use the veto power. A bill, however, was passed, appropriating $33,500 to the harbor masters of New York, who had clung to their offices after they had been abolished, and claimed to have performed work, as their successors were not confirmed by the Senate, owing to the "deal" already mentioned. Concluding the veto of this appropriation, Governor Cleveland said:

* * * The people have an interest in the determination of the question whether their representatives in the Legislature have the power to dispense with the services of its appointed servants when no longer needed; and whether the sum of nearly or quite thirty-three thousand dollars shall be paid by the taxpayers of the State, upon claims if not fictitious, greatly exaggerated, and in behalf of parties who, in defiance of express legislation, and against the protest of the State, have chosen to regard themselves still in the public service.

The extravagance of the Legislature, which asked for an additional appropriation of $15,000 to meet the expenses of investigations, after $32,000 had already been appropriated for the purpose, was rebuked and the item vetoed.

These investigations are in many cases necessary to the intelligent inauguration of needed reforms, but their extravagance and the expense attending them constitute an abuse which also furnishes a proper subject for reform. Much of this investigating could be done at the city of Albany with but little expense; but in actual practice, New York city seems to be the favorite headquarters for the operations of these committees, where the most expensive quarters, at the most expensive hotels, seem to be thought necessary to a proper performance of duty, while a retinue of counsel, clerks, messengers, sergeant-at-arms and stenographers are in attendance, and frequently render the most exorbitant claims for their services. I have bills reported to me where the hotel expenses of members of investigating committees and their attaches are charged as high as nineteen dollars per day.

If only the legitimate claims connected with this work are allowed and properly audited, I am satisfied that the appropriation contained

in this item can be saved to the taxpayers of the State, and all reasonable expenses be fairly paid.

Governor Cleveland's opinion concerning the means to promote the efficiency of the military arm of the State have been presented briefly elsewhere. He was called upon to give them definite application by the passage of a bill organizing a veteran reserve of the State militia. In an informal way he expressed his disapprobation of the bill in the following words:

The association of the veterans of the National Guard for social and benevolent objects and to foster and keep alive their interest in the parent organization, is a laudable and pleasant thing to do. And this can be fully accomplished under existing statutes. There seems to be much interest manifested in this bill, and I am exceeding sorry that my ideas of duty to the State obliges me to refuse to approve the

measure.

The National Guard is a department of the State of great importance, though I fear this fact is not fully appreciated, for the reason that their services are ordinarily not needed. I place so much importance, however, upon the proper maintenance of the Guard that I am unwilling to do anything which, in the almost unanimous opinion of those connected with it, and in my own judgment, will impair its efficiency or injure its morale.

This bill merely creates a separate military establishment, amenable to none of the laws that regulate the regular guard, and not subject to the constituted military authorities of the State. They elect their own officers, and call upon the Governor to grant them a military commission without regard to their fitness to perform any military duty. They are subject to no military service except upon the command of the Governor, in the absence of the regiment of which they are veterans; and they cannot be called away from home on any duty. Their rules and regulations are entirely of their own making, and their uniforms (and probably their arms) of their own selection. In such circumstances I am sure that it might well be considered as exceedingly risky to call on such organizations for serious military service. Their practical usefulness to the State not being a sufficient reason for signing the bill, it is my opinion that the rank and uniform of soldiers should not be given by the State to these voluntary and self-regulating organizations. Military titles should be given by the State to military men, and it should dictate the uniform its soldiers