XVIII. good effects are now so obvious, on a calm review of past CHAPTER events, that one is astonished at the opposition it met with, and the strifes it enkindled, even after making due allowance for the passions and prejudices, which had hitherto been at work in producing discord and divisions. But so it was, that this act, emanating from the purest motives, founded on the clearest principles of justice, designed to keep the nation in peace and advance its prosperity, was distorted into an instrument for effecting party objects, and made a rallying point whence to assail the administration and embarrass its movements. It was denounced as violating the treaty with France, and as indicating an open hostility to that country and partiality for England. In short, it became the dividing line between the two great parties, which had been growing up from the time the constitution was framed, and which consolidated themselves under the names of the Federal and Democratic parties, the former adhering to the administration, the latter opposing it. Foreign affairs were mingled with domestic politics. The friends of neutrality were stigmatized as partisans of England; while they, in their turn, charged their opponents with being devoted to France, abetting the horrors of the revolution, and striving to lead the country into a war, in which nothing could be gained and much might be lost. Thus each side contributed its share to add fuel to the flame. Washington for a time was allowed to keep aloof from the contest. His character, revered by the people, shielded by their affections, and equally above reproach and suspicion, was too elevated a mark for the shafts of malevolence. But a crisis had now arrived, when the sacredness of virtue, and the services of a life spent in promoting the public weal, could no longer secure him from the assaults of party animosity. The enemies of the administration perceived, that the attempt to execute their plans would be vain, unless they could first weaken his influence by diminishing his popularity. The task was hard and repelling; and it may reasonably be presumed, that 1793. Party strifes increased by the procla mation. Washington the party assailed by opposed to the admin istration. XVIII. 1793. CHAPTER a supposed political necessity, rather than cordial goodwill, led them to engage in so ungrateful a work. It was pursued with a perseverance, and sometimes with an acrimony, for which the best of causes could hardly afford an apology; but, however much it might disturb his repose or embarrass his public measures, it could neither shake his firmness, nor turn him from his steady purpose of sacrificing every other consideration to the interests of his country. Genet, minister from the French republic. French minister's In the midst of these ferments, M. Genet came to the United States as minister from the French republic. He landed at Charleston, in South Carolina, and travelled thence through the country to Philadelphia. He was received everywhere with such enthusiasm and extravagant marks of attention, as to deceive him into a belief, that the great body of the American people heartily espoused the cause of the French revolution, and was ready to join the citizens of the new republic in carrying the banner of liberty and equality to the ends of the earth. Being of an ardent temperament, and emboldened by these indications, the citizen minister, as he was called, at once commenced a career, as unjustifiable as it was extraordinary. Even before he left Charleston he gave orders for fitting out and arming vessels in that port to cruise as privateers, and commit hostilities on the commerce of nations at peace with the United States. Notwithstanding this act of presumption and rashness, which was known before he reached Philadelphia, he was received by the President with frankness, and with all the respect due to the representative of a foreign power. Genet declared, that his government was strongly atinstructions. tached to the United States, and had no desire to engage them in the war; but his secret instructions, which he afterwards published, were of a different complexion, and proved very clearly, that the designs of his employers were contrary to the professions of their minister. Indeed his whole conduct, from beginning to end, could have no other tendency, than to bring the United States into an XVIII. captures. immediate conflict with all the powers at war with France. CHAPTER The privateers commissioned by him came into the American ports with prizes. This produced remonstrances from 1793. the British minister, and a demand of restitution. The subject accordingly came before the cabinet. In regard Illegal to the lawfulness of the seizures, there was but one opinion. It was decided, that, since every nation had exclusive jurisdiction within its own territory, the act of fitting out armed vessels under the authority of a foreign power was an encroachment on national sovereignty, and a violation of neutral rights, which the government was bound to prevent. The prohibited ports of the States. August. A declaration was accordingly made, that no privateers, Privateers fitted out in this manner, should find an asylum in the from the ports of the United States; and the customhouse officers United were instructed to keep a careful watch, and report every vessel which contravened the laws of neutrality. question of restitution involved intricate points of maritime law, and opinions on this subject varied. It was unanimously agreed, however, that the original owners might justly claim indemnification, and that, if the property was not restored by the captors, the value of it ought to be paid by the government. ry conduct of minister. The French minister protested against these decisions, Extraordina became angry and violent, wrote offensive letters to the the French Secretary of State, and seemed to forget alike the dignity of his station and his character as a man. He still continued to encourage armed vessels to sail from American ports under the French flag. By the firmness of the executive a check was put to this effrontery. Measures were taken to prevent by force the departure of such vessels. The madness of the minister was increased by the obstacles he encountered. Finding himself baffled in all his schemes, he resorted to menaces, accused the President of having usurped the powers of Congress, and more than insinuated that he would appeal to the people for redress. This insult, aggravated by his previous conduct, could neither be tolerated nor passed over in silence. It XVIII. 1793. CHAPTER was obvious, indeed, that nothing could be hoped from any further intercourse with so wrongheaded a man. A statement of the particulars was drawn up, and forwarded to the French government, with a request that he might be recalled. A more remarkable chapter can hardly be found in the history of diplomacy, than might be furnished from the records of this mission of Genet. It is a memorable instance of the infatuation to which a man of respectable talents and private character may be driven by political frenzy. Democratic societies. Washing ton's opinion of these so cieties. Among the pernicious effects of Genet's embassy was the establishment of associations in different parts of the country, called Democratic Societies, upon the model of the Jacobin clubs in France. The first society of this sort was instituted in Philadelphia, under the direction of Genet himself. Others soon followed. Their objects and influence are described by Washington. "That these societies," he observes, "were instituted by the artful and designing members, (many of their body I have no doubt mean well, but know little of the real plan,) primarily to sow among the people the seeds of jealousy and distrust of the government, by destroying all confidence in the administration of it, and that these doctrines have been budding and blowing ever since, is not new to any one, who is acquainted with the character of their leaders, and has been attentive to their manœuvres. "Can any thing be more absurd, more arrogant, or more pernicious to the peace of society, than for selfcreated bodies, forming themselves into permanent censors, and under the shade of night in a conclave resolving that acts of Congress, which have undergone the most deliberate and solemn discussion by the representatives of the people, chosen for the express purpose and bringing with them from the different parts of the Union the sense of their constituents, endeavoring, as far as the nature of the thing will admit, to form their will into laws for the government of the whole; I say, under these circumstan XVIII. 1793. ces, for a self-created permanent body (for no one denies CHAPTER the right of the people to meet occasionally to petition for, or remonstrate against, any act of the legislature) to declare that this act is unconstitutional, and that act is pregnant with mischiefs, and that all, who vote contrary to their dogmas, are actuated by selfish motives or under foreign influence, nay, are traitors to their country? Is such a stretch of arrogant presumption to be reconciled with laudable motives, especially when we see the same. set of men endeavoring to destroy all confidence in the administration, by arraigning all its acts, without knowing on what ground or with what information it proceeds? ton's opinion structing tatives. He had declared similar opinions some years before, Washingwhen it was a practice in Virginia to form societies for as to indiscussing political topics, examining public measures, and represeninstructing delegates to the legislature. He expressed strong disapprobation of these societies in letters to a nephew, who belonged to one of them. Nor was he in any case friendly to positive instructions from electors, believing that the representative, who is of course acquainted with the sentiments of his constituents among whom he resides, should be left to act according to the judgment he shall form, after being enlightened by the arguments and collected wisdom of a deliberative assembly. with Eng The relations with England were even more perplexed, Relations than those with France. A diplomatic intercourse had land. been commenced after the Constitution was adopted. Mr. Hammond resided in Philadelphia as minister from the British government, and Mr. Thomas Pinckney represented the United States as minister plenipotentiary at the court of St. James. No progress had been made, however, in negotiating a treaty of commerce, or removing the causes of complaint. The catalogue of grievances had rather grown longer than shorter. The posts on the frontier were still held, contrary to the treaty of peace, and interferences with the Indians continued. Vessels had been searched and seamen impressed by British officers within the acknowledged jurisdiction of the United States; and |