262 VAN BUREN BEGS JESSE TO HELP HIM UP FOR GOD'S SAKE!!

Your note might be made payable on demand, with an understanding that you should pay i when our Bank calls on the N. Y. Bank for the Deposit, which will not be till we see fit. Yours truly, J. VAN BUREN.

Bets on 15 perfectly safe.— For God's sake' secure me the Presidency, said Martin Van Buren ! [No. 305.] Attorney General J. Van Buren to Ex-Commissioner Hoyt. ALBANY, NOV. 11, 1836.-MY DEAR HOYT: I'll do the justice to say (and so does my father), that you have stood the d-d lies from Pennsylvania better than most of our friends in N. Y. I hope the fright from this dictates the letters to us, saying that all of our tickets besides Register [I think that's the word], are in danger. I don't believe we shall lose one. In this State our majority will range from 15 to 25,000. Bets on 15 are perfectly safe.

For G--d's sake let our friends turn all their attention to New Jersey, and nct be caught napping there, as in Connecticut. My father wishes me to say so to you. Yours truly,

J. VAN BUREN.

A pair of Gamblers betting on Elections-the Pewter Mug-Cornelius put in Chancery. [No 306.] Collector Hoyt to Collector Lawrence. [not sent.] NEW YORK, Nov. 21, 1836. Dear Sir: As the excitement of the election has in a great degree passed away, it is proper that I should pay attention to those incidents in which I am concerned, connected with it; though perhaps I ought to apologize to you for not having done this sooner. You will recollect that when I was reproached by you for having voted a "split ticket," that I proposed to but you $100, that you voted what was generally called "the Pewter Mug Ticket," and that I would take upon myself the burthen of proot to establish the fact. Your reply was that you "would take the bet, if I took upon myself the burthen of proof, for you had never told any one how you had voted." I answered that it should be considered a bet. There are various ways recognized in legal proceedings of making proof and competent proof too in courts of law, and forums of conscience, and which perhaps did not occur to you when you observed you “had never told any one how you had voted." After such a remark, the right more peculiarly belonged to me to select my own tribunal, through which I would make the proof, I volunteered to make. That tribunal is a court of Equity, or in other words a court of conscience. England, the country from which we have derived most of our legal forms, certain high dignitaries answer bills in Equity upon honor and not upon oath. I am perfectly willing to place you on the same footing, and I therefore desire you to consider this my bill in Equity, charging that you voted the ticket referred to, I ask you to answer the charge, and whatever the answer may be I shall be perfectly satisfied with. I enclose you my check for the $100, to your order, which you will use, if under the circumstances you are entitled to, and if not you will please to return it, with your own for an equal amount.

With great respect, your obedient serv't.

J. HOYT.

In

Mr. Van Buren, having secured the Presidency, orders the Plaindealer. [No. 307.] President Van Buren to Jesse Hoyt, N. Y. Dear Sir-Please to ask Mr. Leggett to send me his paper. Please also ask the editors of the Evening Post to send their paper here. It now goes to Albany. Yours truly, M. VAN BUREN. [The above was written on a sheet of gilt post, from Washington, Dec., 1836.]

REMARKS,

Mr. Leggett was able and honest; but although he censured Van Buren severely for his sycophantic conduct to the south in his inaugural about slavery at Washington, Van Buren and Butler persuaded him that they were sincere in their efforts to divorce bank and state. I think it was to get him out of the way, as much as to please his numerous friends, that Van Buren appointed him to a commercial mission in one of the South American states, Leggett died soon after, on Long Island, in his 39th year. Vanderpoel proved himself a bitter opponent of the right of the sovereign people to petition their hired servants in Congress against slavery. Vanderpoel came into the Assembly of New York a Clintonian-his family were opposed to the war of 1812-one of Van Buren's sons married his niece. He was for Van Buren in Congress, and is now a city judge in New York. When he ascended the superior court bench, a son of Clinton was clerk. Him he caused to be removed immediately, and gave the situation to his brother-in-law, Oakley. Owing to the sonorous style of his eloquence, he was named when in Congress, "the Kinderhook roarer."

Aaron the Judge no prophet-Jackson, the Usurers, and the Treasury Circular. [No. 308.] Judge Aaron Vanderpoel to Jesse Hoyt, N. Y. WASHINGTON, Tuesday, 6th Dec., 1836. My dear Sir-Yours came to hand day before yesterday, and had I been more of a "down Easter," so that I could have guessed what course the opposition would take, I would have answered it more promptly; but all here among us is doubt and uncertainty as to the tack our adversaries are now going upon.

LAND SALES TO ACTUAL SETTLERS.

VANDERPOEL.

VAN BUREN. 263 They all seem to be very good-natured and very glad to see us, but whether the "treasury order" will be improved as a means of getting up another congressional panic remains yet to be indicated. The message speaks for itself. It strikes me, that those who are now under the power or the screws of usurers and shavers cannot derive much consolation from that document. The old Chief is unwilling to admit, that the government has by any act contributed to the present pressure in the money market. His doctrine is, that it has its origin in the mischievous expansion of the paper system, and the mad speculations and overtrading of the last eighteen months. You know too that the President is in one respect like Revolutions. He never goes backwards. I will not hazard even a conjecture as to the main point of your letter. We have as yet no more facilities for accurate guessing here as to the future movements of the opposition than you have at New York, and I cannot therefore do more than subscribe myself your friend, A. VANDERPOEL.

Talking a Session out.

The Special Order. Benton. [No. 309.] C. C. Cambreleng, M. C., to Jesse Hoyt, Wall street, N. Y. WASHINGTON, 13th Dec'r, 1836. Dear H.-I cannot tell you what will be the fate of the Special Orderthough it is not a favorite measure with either House. Benton will, however, make a strong speech about it, and he has besides strong ground. That question, AND NO OTHER, will be soon decided. We shall consume the session in battles about the Tariff and Public Lands.

Very truly yours,

C. C. CAMBRELENG.

the Public Lands with the Van Buren supposed to

A Democratic (!!) Congress encourage the Pet Bank Politicians to buy Public Money, and refuse to check speculation at the settlers' expense. be patriotic. A talk about selling the national lands to settlers only. [No. 310.] William L. May, M. C., to Jesse Hoyt, N. Y. WASHINGTON, Dec. 9. 1836. My dear sir: I am inclined to believe that a very general disposition exists on the part of the friends of the Administration to limit the sales of the Public Lands to actual settlers: should this be accomplished (and I see no reason at present to doubt it) the necessity of keeping the Treasury Order in force would no longer exist, and the President [General Jackson] would thus be supplied with the best possible reason for its immediate repeal. All parties, so far as my knowledge extends, deprecate the order, not only as injurious to every branch of trade, but as tending greatly to lessen the number of our political friends. A few more changes in Pennsylvania and our party will be in the minority. How important then, not only as it regards the welfare of the country, but also as it regards our existence as a party, that some speedy measures should be adopted to quiet the public mind, and restore confidence to the trading part of the community. As yet I have had no opportunity of conversing with Mr. Van Buren on these subjects, and am of course ignorant of his views. I am credibly informed, however, that HE IS OPPOSED TO THE ORDER; and it may fairly be presumed that his friends will adopt any course not likely to wound the sensibility of the President, to get rid of it. The plans of the Opposition are not yet developed; I cannot even conjecture the course they will be most likely to pursue. ***** I remain your friend, WILLIAM L. MAY.

[No. 311.] The same to same. WASHINGTON, Dec. 22, 1836. Dear sir: The Treasury Order will not, in my opinion, be repealed; but I think that a law, limiting the sales of land to the actual settler, will be passed. Since I saw you I disposed of a portion of the land I sold to you at $1000 per acre, in Philadelphia. I am still inclined to sell five or ten acres more; but I would be unwilling to take a cent less than $1000 per acre, for the whole, or any part of the tract. In haste, I remain your friend, WILLIAM L. MAY.

Solomon Southwick's two Characters of his friend Van Buren.

[No. 312.] Solomon Southwick to W. L. Mackenzie. Rochester, N. Y. ALBANY, Dec. 8th, 1838.-I hope, my dear sir, that you are now convinced of what I told you in August last, that Van Buren was heartless, hypocritical, selfish and unprincipled. He is the tool or slave of a foul heart and a false ambition, and never possessed a particle of true greatness. I speak not from prejudice—I knew him intimately-very intimately, for seventeen years-and never knew him to act from a noble and disinterested motive; always full of low cunning, dark intrigue, and base selfishness. When I told you this in August, you seemed to be surprised— but are you not now satisfied? I fear that the leaders of both parties, with but few exceptions, are against the freedom of Canada. This is a sensual, selfish, money-making age. It seems to me you might have known better than to go to Washington, that sink of iniquity, corruption, and British influence! Van Buren and his tools are the slaves of Victoria. S. SOUTHWICK.

Yours truly,

[From the Albany Register of April, 1812.]

In the Middle District, we rejoice in the nomination of Mr. Van Buren. We have long

261

RECOMMENDATIONS TO OFFICE IN THE U. S. CUSTOMS.

known and esteemed him. He possesses genius, intelligence, and eloquence-has long been one of the firmest props of the Republican interest, and with a spirit which will not bend to servility or sycophancy, cannot fail to become a distinguished and useful member of the Senate. S. SOUTHWICK.

Jesse Ht as Van Buren's Collector of Customs-Henry Ulshoeffer, (Ward & Hoyt's Law Stu den, Bryant's partner (or editor) for the Evening Post, Clerk in the Custom House, and brother to our first county judge,) Custom House Spy and Scandal-monger-breasting the storm of Whiggery--hoo to get raised in the family esteem-the Crockery-man's Clerk — Bryant and myscif--Boggs too democratic-Westervelt, thoroughly loco-foco-Depeyster damns Van Bu ren tɔ his cost→ Who the devil is Mr. Hoyt?'— the rankest Whig breathing'— -a mere droneGeo. A. Wasson gets a comrade-Lorenzo Hoyt's rule of secret defamation, put in steady operation-My nephew Rose-Dan. Winship and son- My brother the Judge' let him be removed' — how to secure a large family interest.

[No. 313.] Henry Ulshoeffer to Collector Hoyt. [New York,] 17th March, 1838.

MEMORANDUM.

"GEORGE W. ROSE has laid before you an application for Clerkship in doors, or the office of Inspector, whichever shall appear to be at your disposal. I have already stated to you (and I now repeat it for your remembrance) that he is related to me as nephew (by a sister). He has mostly resided in the Seventh Waid, where he kept a ship-chandler's store, as successor to my eldest brother, George Ulshoeffer. (They were partners at his death.) My brother, in his will, directed Mr. Rose to go on with the business and pay to my father and mother the full value of the stock at the time of his decease, for their future comfort. Before he accom. plished this he became insolvent, but acted with good faith to his grand-parents, and paid them for the stock (the balance due at his failure being small). He then procured a release from his creditors by great exertions, and with the aid of some friends went into the grocery business in Cherry street, which made both ends meet,' apparently. Last May he removed his store into Coenties Slip, and took a partner, and attempted to do a better business; but the change that came over the business community overset all his calculations, and he has been wasting Mis means ever since in necessary expenses. To crown all his misfortunes, his store took fire the early part of March, and his whole stock was lost. Though the stock was covered by insurance, it had been procured mostly upon credit, and must be paid for; and even if it had been otherwise, the prospect of doing business for a long while is but a hopeless one. Trade is not likely to revive for a considerable period, and Mr. Rose thinks he must finally give up. Under these circumstances, Mr. Rose wishes to withdraw from his business, and take such an appointment as will afford him a livelihood for a few years. He is a democrat of our stamp-is pertinacious in argument, and of good education. In the Seventh Ward, he breasted the storm of Whiggery in 1834, and suffered in his business some on that account. As to his qualifications, I will assure you he is fit for any of the clerkships in doors-he writes a good hand-is good at figures and calculations. As to an out-door appointment, he is far superior to many who are now in office. This I well know. Mr. Rose has a wife and one child, and is about 30 years of age. As I have before said to you personally, this is an affair which I feel an interest in-and if you can appoint him you will confer another favor (among others) on me, as well as him. It will also raise me in the esteem of our family, who affect to believe there is no chance for him. My brother the Judge, Mr. Jordan and others, have doubtless spoken to you on this subject.

JOSEPH GARNISS, with whom I have been acquainted for years, is applying for the office of Inspector. He is about 33 years of age, and was formerly a clerk of Colemar the crockery dealer in Broadway, where your wife has purchased China-ware frequently. Garniss boards with my mother-in-law, and has for several years. He boards in John street (2d Ward). I know him well-his politics are of the right kind. Every day at dinner Garniss and I have a regular conversation with the Whigs at table, and I have found him firmly and enthusiastically attached to the administration. Although I have no personal interest in his application, I know of no young man I could more cordially recommend to your notice, both on account of his politics and capacity. I place him only next to Mr. Rose in the interest I feel in his application. Owing to change in trade and the necessity of economizing, Mr. Colemar was obliged to disiniss Mr. Garniss, and every department seems to be filled in other places where he has sought for employment. He is a single man. JAMES MONROE WINSHIP, a young man 19 years of age, applies for a Clerkship. He is son of Daniel Winship, butcher of Fulton Market, and resides in the 17th Ward. He is of course a Democrat, as i know from repeated conversations. You have seen him at your house, and can judge somewhat of his merits. As to my own knowledge of his capacity, I can say no more than that I believe him to be qualified for some situation of small salary. His father has contributed liberally in money to the Democratic party, and it would be securing q large family interest for the administration, if the appointment öguld be made,

VAN BUREN DEMOCRACY REGULATING THE POLITICAL MACHINE. 265

GEORGE W. SHOURT wants the place of Cartman to the Public Store in Nassau street As he has seen you on the subject, and you know his politics, you can form an opinion of his merit, and the expediency of doing what he wishes. He has for some time been the Cart man of the Evening Post, carrying daily the mail parers to the Post Office. He is a 15th Warder, and you can take care of him without any urging from me.

EDMUND J. GROSS is an applicant for the place of Inspector. He is of the 10th Ward. Of course he is a Democrat. I introduced him to you one day in your office in Wall street. He is a married man of about 45 years of age, judging from his appearance. He is a iespectable man, and would, I have no doubt, fill the place creditably. He relies much on my inffence in this business, but I have no particular interest in his application.

WILLIAM J. BOGGS is an applicant for the appointment of Inspector. I am well acquainted with him-know his politus to be thoroughly Democratic-and as he depends a great deal on what I say to you, I will be candid enough to say that the letters he has laid before you, signed by Mr. Cambreleng, Colonel Johnson and others, although entitled to great weight, ought not to be conclusive. He took great interest in Mr. Coe's application for the Collect orship, and wrote letters to Washington in his behalf, and with Ely Moore and others, endeavored to defeat your appointment. He is at present a letter-cartier in the Post Office, and though I at one time felt disposed to do all I could for him, some things have ind ced me not to urge you strongly in his favor. He is in the 10th Ward, and has a family. Mr. Coddington can tell you about him.

The above applicants are all new ones.

He is

Of those who are are alreaay in the Custom House I will speak as follows: JAMES WESTERVELT is a Weigher, and has spoken to me about his situation. thoroughly loco-foco, and ought not to be removed. There is no objection to his being retained that I know of. He has been in office about eighteen months. PETER COUTANT is an Inspector, and has been in office about a year and an half. I know him well. He is me of the firmest of our party. Old Gilbert Coutant is his uncle. He has been persecuted ormerly by the Whigs, and had to abandon his business in consequence. He ought to be retained by all means. He is son-in-law of Daniel Winship.

THOMAS KIRK is a Weigher, and now in office. He has not spoken a word to me on the subject of his being retained, but I cannot omit the opportunity, while I am making these memorandums, of recommending, cordially, his reappointment. He is a fine old gentleman, of our politics; and has been a constant visitor at the office of the Evening Post, where he frequently discourses on politics-and, of course, his opinions are well known to Bryant and myself. He was once of the firm of Kirk & Mercein, booksellers of this city. JOSEPH DREYFOUs is now an Inspector, and wishes to be transferred to the French floor in the Public Store in Nassau street, where the pay is the same as he now gets, and which change would enable him (on account of greater convenience in the hours of business) to pay some attention to other matters, and make his income better-or rather enable him to instruct his children in some branches of education. In this store he would be attendant upon the appraisers. Knowing his politics to be decidedly Democratic, I wo ld recommend, if nothing interfered in your opinion, his transfer to the Public Store. He is a good judge of French articles, and might be of service in that department.

Among those who are opposed to the administration, and in office, there is A. S. DEPEYSTER weigher). He is a thorough Whig, but has urged some Democrats to speak to you for him. Look out for him! He told Mr. Daniel Winship that "Mr. Van Buren was a damn'd little rascal," or words to that effect--and this too very recently. SAMUEL B. FLEMING is a Conservative Democrat of the rankest sort. He was a strenuous advocate for Coe's appointment to the Collectorship-and said before you was nominated, "Who the devil is Mr. Hoyt? Who ever heard of him?" &c. HENRY K. FROST, a Clerk, I know to be the rankest Whig breathing, and ought to be removed without scruple. GEORGE RICARD, an Inspector, has been in office several years, and is, I understand, in good pecuniary circumstances, and could live without the office. He is from the 10th Ward. He scarcely ever attends our meetings, 2nd is, in a political point of view, a mere drone. Let him be removed!

HENRY W*****T, an Inspector, is a drunken beast, and notwithstanding his politics, he ought to be removed. This is public sentiment wherever he is known. Any one in the 10th Ward will say so."

REMARKS BY W. L. M.-The original letter is in the possession of C. S. Bogardus—the author is dead-his remarks are on public matters, and belong to history. Some people say, you must not tell any bad things done by the dead. Does the Bible say so? Are the histories of America, France, England, and Ireland silent about bad men and bad actions in cases where the parties are dead? The very first act of the London Times, when the profligate George IV. had gone to his last account, was to review his life, and hold him up to the example of Fosterity as a monster, scarcely less wicked than Henry VIII., or any others of the worst of England's kings. It is wrong to speak falsely of the departed; very wrong to erect marble mausoleums to meanly ambitious and avaricious men,

Signs of the Times.-War to crush Reform and uphold Oppression.-England's Complaint in 1814-America's in 1815.-Bradford Wood's accurate Views.-Ill Treatment of American Merchants.-Offers to settle the Oregon Boundary.—Why it ought to be settled Peacefully— Texas Constitution.—O'Connell on Polk, War, and Slavery.—Intellectual Powers and Bravery of the Negro Race.-Anderson on the Indians.-Washington, Jefferson, and Randolph on Slavery.-The Synod of Kentucky on Negro Bondage.-Van Buren's Bargain with the South for his Office.-H's Apology for Outrage, Mobs, and Riots, noticed by Leggett.—New York for Freedom to all, in 1819.-The Missouri Vote.-The Virginia Slave Trade.-Poinsett made War Minister, and why.-Van Buren's Efforts to prevent Emancipation in Cuba. -Polk and Van Buren for, and not for, European Colonization, in America.-Cass and Allen.-Guizot.-Polk's Treatment of Mexico.-Van Buren's Canadian Proclamation.Channing on Calhoun.-Col. Young on Texas and Abolition.—Wright's Manœuvring.—Van Buren's Neutrality in 1829.—On Slavery in Iowa and Wisconsin.—Greeley on Florida Annexation.-[Notes.] Bankrupt Laws and Repudiation of Debts.

THE occurrence of war between the United States and Great Britain, is spoken of at present as if it were an event neither improbable nor perhaps remote; and the questions of, peace, may it be preserved? or shall we see two great nations at enmity, contending with each other in armed strife? are of such vast importance, that I think the occasion an opportune one to offer some observations and to state some facts, both as to the risk the country runs of being involved in war, and as to the chances of success, and other results should a struggle take place. I know, by experience, that when men get angry, and act under the influence of passion, it is too late to reason with them for the prevention of mischief. Both parties are yet cool and calm, on this question; and having reflected on the matter carefully, I add here to the opinion expressed in my widely circulated pamphlet of last September, that peace may and ought to be secured; and that the great interests of society require, that no stop be put to those bloodless triumphs which our brethren in the United Kingdom are effecting, under prudent and patriotic leaders, whose memories will be sweet in the remembrance of generations yet unborn. If it were a just and necessary war waged against a proud and unsympathizing aristocracy who had trampled to the ground a patient people, by their enormous taxations, military rule, and proud monopolies, in favor of the oppressed, and with good cause of offence, old as I am, I would travel from Maine to Michigan, to rouse the people as far as one man could. But when monopoly in England lies prostrate; when its ancient champions now range themselves in the ranks of its deadliest enemies; when the cause of the people, that cause for which methodist and presbyterian, catholic and protestant, have so long petitioned the favor of heaven, is gaining new and glorious triumphs; when I see the defeated monopolists comforting themselves with the hope of high rents and more debt, expenditure and taxation, through a war with America, I cannot range myself on the side of the ultra tories and bigots of the old world, against the efforts of the Humes, the O'Connells, the Cobdens, the Greys, the Morpeths, and the Macauleys; and although personally speaking, I might have a far greater interest in fanning the flame than in endeavoring to throw water on it, yet I can see so very little good, and such a Moscow or Waterloo, as it were, of mischief in the approach of war,