ocratic teachings, at least as much as to the exuberant soil. The man is not a good American who, knowing what we are, by act or word, experiment or thought, in any way, will attempt to weaken the foundation of this splendid political structure-the Republic of the United States.

We are confronted by a wily, unscrupulous, and desperate foe. There will be no speck on the record that they will not magnify into a blot; no circumstance that they will not torture and misrepresent; no disappointment that they will not exaggerate into a revolt; no class or creed that they will not seek to inflame; no passion that they will not attempt to rouse; no fraud that they will not willingly perpetrate. They fancy, indeed, that there is no imposture too monstrous for the popular credulity; no crime that will not be condoned. But we stand at guard, full armed at every point to meet them. Our appeal is not to passion nor to prejudice, to class or faction, to race or creed, but to the sound common sense, the interest, the intelligence and patriotism of the American people.

THE NEW CONDITIONS OF THE PARTY.

We meet to-day under conditions new to the Democrats of this generation. How often closed about us, when the day of victory seemed almost as far away as the day of general judgment. It could not then be said that we met for spoils or personal advantage. We met to keep the fires of Democratic liberty alive till the dawn of a better day. If we were a party of misfortune, it must also be agreed that we were a party of undaunted we stood in conventions in the past when to others it seemed as if the shadows of death courageand inflexible principles. Twenty-eight years ago the Democratic party, rent in fragments, heated by feuds that only time could allay or punishment destroy, met, as it looks now, merely to settle in angry mood the terms upon which they should become exiled from power. By their mad dissensions they elected to go to defeat rather than wait for the sobering influence of time to close the breach. To the younger men of that day the act seemed suicide, mitigated by insanity. Their madness transferred to a minority of the American people the political government of all. That party, whatever the honesty and respectability of its members, however patriotic its motives, was not broad or national at its base. It had almost but one central idea, and when that idea was set in the Constitution and crystallized into law, it ran a career of riot that appalled all men. The history of that period of political debauchery is too sad and familiar to Americans to be recited anew. The Republican party, sometimes peacefully and sometimes by force, sometimes fairly and sometimes by fraud, succeeded in holding power 24 years, till at last the American people, no longer condoning its faults or forgiving its sins, hurled it from power and again committed to the historic party of the Constitution and the whole Union the administration of our political affaira. We won by the well-earned confidence of the country in the rectitude of our purpose, by the aid of chivalrous and conscientious men who could no longer brook the corruptions of the Republican party. It was a great, deserved, necessary victory.

The day on which Grover Cleveland, the plain, straightforward, typical American citizen chosen at the election, took the oath of office in the presence of the multitude-a day so lovely and so perfect that all nature seemed exuberantly to sanction and to celebrate the victory-that day marked the close of an old era and the beginning of a new one. It closed the era of usurpation of power by the Federal authority, of illegal force, of general contempt for constitutional limitations and plain law, of glaring scandals, profligate waste and unspeakable corruption, of narrow sectionalism and class strife, of the reign of a party whose good work had long been done. It began the era of perfect peace and perfect union. The States fused in all, their sovereignty into a Federal Republic with limited but ample powers, of a public service conducted with the absolute integrity and strict economy. of reforms pushed to their extreme limit; of comprehensive, sound, and safe financial policy: giving security and confidence to all enterprise and endeavor, a Democratic admin. istration faithful to its mighty trust, loyal to its pledges, true to the Constitution, safeguarding the interests and liberties of the people. And now we stand on the edge of another era, perhaps a greater contest, with a relation to the electors that we have not held for a generation-that of responsibility for the great trust of government. We are no longer authors, but accountants; no longer critics, but the criticised. The responsibility is ours, and if we have not taken all the power necessary to make that responsibility good the fault is ours, not that of the people.

THE ADMINISTRATION HAS JUSTIFIED ITSELF.

The Administration of President Cleveland has triumphantly justified his election. It compels the respect, confidence and approval of the country. The prophets of evil and disaster are dumb. What the people see is the Government of the Union restored to its ancient footing of justice, peace, honesty, and impartial enforcement of law. They see the demands of labor and agriculture met so far as Government can meet them by the legislative enactments for their encouragement and protection. They see the veterans of the civil war granted pensions long due them to the amount of more than twice in number and nearly three times in value of those granted under any previous Administration. They see more than 32,000,000 acres of land recklessly and illegally held by the grantees of the corrupt Republican regime restored to the public domain for the benefit of honest settlers. They see the negro, whose fears of Democratic rule were played upon by demagogues four years ago, not only more fully protected than by his pretended friends, but honored as his race was never honored before. They see a financial policy under which reckless speculation has practically ceased and capital freed from distrust. They see for the first time an honest observance of the law governing the civil establishment, and the employes of the people rid at last of the political highwaymen with a demand for tribute in one hand and a letter of dismissal in the other. They see useless offices abolished and expenses of administration reduced, while improved methods have lifted the public service to high efficiency. They see tranquility, order, security and equal justice restored in the land; a watchful, steady, safe and patriotic Administration-the solemn promises made by the Democracy faithfully kept. It is "an honest Government by honest men."

If this record seems prosaic, if it lacks the blood-thrilling element, if it is not lit with lurid fires, if it cannot be illustrated by a pyrotechnic display, if it is merely the plain record of a constitutional party in a time of peace, engaged in administrative reforms, it is because the people of the country four years ago elected not to trust to sensation and experiment, however brilliant and alluring, but preferred to place the helm in a steady hand. with a fearless, trustworthy, patriotic man behind it. Upon that record, and upon our earnest efforts, as yet incomplete; to reduce and equalize the burdens of taxation, we enter the canvass and go to the polls confident that the free and intelligent people of this great country will say, "Well done, good and faithful servants."

GREETING TO THE INDEPENDENTS.

To the patriotic independent citizens who, four years ago, forsook their old allegiance and came to our support, and who since that time have nobly sustained the Administration, the Democratic party owes a deep debt of gratitude. That they have been reviled and insulted by their former associates is not only a signal compliment to their character and influence, but another evidence of the decadence of the Republican party. Blind worship of the machine-the political juggernaut-is exacted from every man who will take even standing room in that party. The Democratic temple is open to all, and if in council we cannot agree in all things, our motto is: "In essentials, unity; in non-essentials, liberty; in all things, charity." To all good men we say: "Come in." "Good will ne'er halted at the door stone." As four years ago you voted with us to reform the Administration to conserve our institutions for the well being of our common country, so join with us again in approval of the work so well accomplished to complete what remains undone. We ask you to remember that it is a "fatal error to weaken the hands of a political organization by which great reforms have been achieved and risk them in the hands of their known adversaries." Four years ago you trusted tentatively the Democratic party, and supported with zeal and vigor its candidate for President. You thought him strong in all the sturdy qualities requisite for the great task of reform. Behold your splendid justification. No President in time of peace had so difficult and laborious a duty to perform. His party had been out of power for twenty-four years. Every member of it had been almost venomously excluded from the smallest post where administration could be studied. Every place was filled by men whose interest it was to thwart inquiry and belittle the new Administration; but the master hand came to the helm, and the true course has been kept from the beginning.

We need not wait for time to do justice to the character and services of President Cleveland. Honest, clear-sighted, patient, grounded in respect for law and justice, with a

thorough grasp of principles and situations, with marvelous and conscientious industry, the very incarnation of firmness-he has nobly fulfilled the promise of his party, nobly met the expectations of his country, and written his name high on the scroll where future Americans will read the names of men who have been supremely useful to the Republic.

Fellow Democrats: This is but the initial meeting in a political campaign destined to be memorable. It will be a clashing of nearly even forces. Let no man here or elsewhere belittle or underestimate the strength or resources of the opposition. But great as they are, the old Democratic party, in conscious strength and perfect union, faces the issue fearlessly.

When the permanent organization had been effected, the Committee on Resolutions not being ready to report, a motion to proceed at once to name candidates for the nomination for President of the United States was carried, and Daniel DOUGHERTY, of New York, presented the name of GROVER CLEVELAND in the following speech:

DANIEL DOUGHERTY'S NOMINATING SPEECH.

I greet you, my countrymen, with fraternal regard. In your presence I bow to the majesty of the people! The sight itself is inspiring; the thought sublime! You come from every State and Territory, from every nook and corner of our ocean-bound, continent-covering country. You are about to discharge a more than imperial duty with simplest ceremonials. You, as representatives of the people, are to choose a magistrate with power mightier than a monarch, yet checked and controlled by the supreme law of a written Constitution.

Thus impressed I ascend the rostrum to name the next President of the United States. New York presents him to the convention and pledges her electoral vote. Delegations from the thirty-eight States and all the Territories are assembled without caucus or consultation, ready simultaneously to take up the cry and make the vote unanimous. We are here, not indeed to choose a candidate, but to name the one the people have already chosen. He is the man for the people! his career illustrates the glory of our institutions. Eight years ago, unknown save in his own locality, he for the last four has stood in the gaze of the world discharging the most exalted duties that can be confided to a mortal. To-day determines that not of his own choice, but by the mandate of his countrymen, and with the sanction of Heaven, he shall fill the presidency for four years more. He has met and mastered every question as if from youth trained to statesmanship. The promises of his letter of acceptance and inaugural address have been fulfilled. His fidelity in the past inspires faith in the future. He is not a hope. He is a realization.

Scorning subterfuge, disdaining re-election by concealing convictions, mindful of his oath of office to defend the Constitution, he courageously declares to Congress, dropping minor matters, that the supreme issue is reform, revision, reduction of national taxation. That the Treasury of the United States, glutted with unneeded gold, oppresses industry, embarrasses business, endangers financial tranquility, and breeds extravagance, centralization and corruption. That high taxation, vital for the expenditures of an unparalleled war, is robbery in years of prosperous peace. That the millions that pour into the Treasury come from the hard-earned savings of the American people. That in violation of equality of rights the present tariff has created a privileged class, who, shaping legislation for their personal gain, levy by law contributions for the necessaries of life from every man, woman and child in the land. That to lower the tariff is not free trade. It is to reduce the unjust profits of monopolists and boss manufacturers and allow consumers to retain the rest. The man who asserts that to lower the tariff means free trade insults intelligence. We brand him as a falsifier. It is furtherest from thought to imperil capital or disturb enterprises The aim is to uphold wages and protect the rights of all.

This administration has rescued the public domain from would-be barons and cormorant corporations faithless to obligations, and reserved it for free homes for this and com. ing generations. There is no pilfering. There are no jobs under this Administration. Public office is a public trust. Integrity stands guard at every post of our vast empire.

While the President has been the medium through which has flowed the undying gratitude of the Republic for her soldiers, he has not hesitated to withhold approval from special legislation if strictest inquiry revealed a want of truth and justice.

Above all, sectional strife as never before is at an end, and sixty millions of freemen in the ties of brotherhood are prosperous and happy.

These are the achievements of this Administration. Under the same illustrious leader we are ready to meet our political opponents in high and honorable debate and stake our triumph on the intelligence, virtue and patriotism of the people. Adhering to the Constitution, its every line and letter, ever remembering that powers not delegated to the United States by the Constitution nor prohibited by it to the States are reserved to the States respectively or to the people, by the authority of the Democracy of New York backed by the Democracy of the entire Union, I give you a name entwined with victory. I nominate Grover Cleveland, of New York.

Delegates from Kentucky, Georgia, South Carolina, Texas, Michigan seconded the nomination, and, as no other name was presented to the convention, Grover Cleveland received the vote of every delegate, and was declared the Democratic nominee for President.

COMPLETING ITS WORK.

The platform adopted by the convention at its third days' session will be found elsewhere.

The remaining work, the nomination of a candidate for Vice-President, was completed at the session of the third day. M. F. Tarpey, of California, presented the name of Allen G. Thurman, of Ohio; Thomas M. Patterson, of Colorado, that of John C. Black, of Illinois, and Daniel W. Voorhees, of Indiana, that of Isaac P. Gray, of Indiana. The nomination of Mr. Thurman was seconded by the delegates from Connecticut, Missouri, New York, Nevada, New Jersey, Tennessee, South Carolina, Texas, Virginia and Montana, while speeches were made in favor of the nomination of Governor Gray by delegates from Georgia and Kentucky.

The first ballot showed 685 votes for Thurman, 104 for Gray and 32 for Black. Before the result was announced the names of Gray and Black were withdrawn, and Mr. Thurman was unanimously nominated as the candidate for Vice-President.

In addition to the regular platform, resolutions were adopted expressing sympathy with General Sheridan and of respect for the memory of Thomas A. Hendricks, Samuel J. Tilden, Winfield S. Hancock and George B. McClellan. After the usual resolution of thanks to the officers of the convention had been passed adjournment was had sine die.

On June 26, the committee, upon due notice, met at the Executive Mansion, in Washington, for the purpose of giving the President official notice of his nomina tion for President by the National Convention at St. Louis on June 6. The formal letter was read by Mr. Jacob, of Kentucky, to which the President responded in the following speech:

Mr. Collins and Gentlemen of the Committee:

I cannot but be profoundly impressed when I see about me the messengers of the national Democracy, bearing its summons to duty. The political party to which I owe allegiance both honors and commands me. It places in my hand the proud standard and bids me bear it high at the front in a battle which it wages bravely because conscious of right, confidently because its trust is in the people, and soberly because it comprehends the obligations which success imposes.

The message which you bring awakens within me the liveliest sense of personal gratitude and satisfaction, and the honor which you tender me is in itself so great that there might well be no room for any other sentiment. And yet I cannot rid myself of grave and serious thoughts when I remember that party supremacy is not alone involved in the conflict which presses upon us, but that we struggle to secure and save the cherished institutions, the welfare, and happiness of a nation of freemen.

Familiarity with the great office which I hold has but added to my apprehension of its sacred character and the consecration demanded of him who assumes its immense responsibilities. It is the repository of the people's will and power. Within its vision should be the protection and welfare of the humblest citizen, and with quick ear it should catch from the remotest corner of the land the plea of the people for justice and for right. For the sake of the people he who holds this office of theirs should resist every encroachment upon its legitimate functions, and for the sake of the integrity and usefulness of the office it should be kept near to the people and be administered in full sympathy with their wants and needs.

This occasion reminds me most vividly of the scene when, four years ago, I received a message from my party similar to that which you now deliver. With all that has passed since that day, I can truly say that the feeling of awe with which I heard the summons then is intensified many fold when it is repeated now. Four years ago I knew that our chief executive office, if not carefully guarded, might drift little by little away from the people, to whom it belonged, and become a perversion of all that it ought to be; but I did not know how much its moorings had already been loosened.