Now that his party has not only concluded that it does not want the duty on the necessaries of life removed so long as any man is subjected to a tax on the whiskey he drinks or the cigars he smokes, Mr. Morton finds this little record-this wee little bit of a record-somewhat awkward.

HOW MR. MORTON HAS COME FORWARD.

Mr. Morton has been a candidate for offices at various times; in fact the memory of man runneth not to the time when Mr. Morton has not been wanting something. He has always a simple way of trying to get things. He merely goes out into the market and tries to buy them as he does his vegetables or his domestic animals. He has, in his time, wanted to be in Congress, and he got there by the most plentiful use of his money made in England and the Canadian Pacific Railroad.

Then after he had been in Congress a year or two he thought he wanted a bigger place. So during the canvass of 1880, he went down among the conservative forces of the East and got contributions from the manufacturers and Wall street. It was the money raised by Mr. Morton's herculean efforts that enabled Dorsey to sow two dollar bills so liberally in Indiana, in the guise of what President Arthur called "soap." Mr. Morton did not do this from pure love of his country. He wanted to be Secretary of the Treasury. But when the election was over Mr. Blaine and other Republican leaders who had the ear of the late President Garfield did not think that Mr. Morton should fix his price so high, and they refused to pay it.

It has always been understood that Mr. Morton thought the position of Secretary of the Navy, which was offered him, was not quite up to his demand, perhaps because he did not see any chance for forming big enough syndicates in it to satisfy his modest financial ideas. So Mr. Morton took the mission to France, where he had a chance to spend some of his English and Canadian money.

WHAT HIS FRIENDS SAID OF HIM.

After the defeat of Blaine Mr. Morton knew he had to come home, and immediately his imagination was fired with the hope of being elected a United States Senator. So his friends and his pocket-book went to Albany and his candidacy was duly announced. It will be better to let the leading Republican papers of the State of New York tell the rest of the story. They related it with a frankness and an eloquence which are most refreshing to read, even now.

The Evening Journal, of Albany, has long been the leading paper of the Republican party outside of those in the city of New York. It had heard of Mr. Morton before he went up there in the winter of 1885 to become a candidate for Senator. Having so heard, it drew and printed these little silhouettes of him in its issue of January 8, 1885.

I.

WHAT THE B. B. BEHIND HIM WERE.

The B. B.'s behind the Morton boom are brag and "boodle." Brag is the weapon of cowards. It is the balloon of vanity. It never won a fight or made a reputation. "Boodle" is one of the most expressive and suggestive words in the nomenclature of politics. "Boodle" may be used to bribe or to betray. It has no other uses. It is always an instrumentality of the meanest men in politics and is always used for the most ignoble purposes. The Republican party has no use for brag. As for boodle, the stain that it leaves on any man who touches it marks him for life and makes this single word his epitaph when he lies in the potter's field, reserved exclusively for "boodle" politicians. *

The members who prefer Mr. Evarts to Mr. Morton are not susceptible to disreputable influences. Bluster will not intimidate them, bragging will not mislead them, "boodle" will not entice

them.

II.

CALLING FOR A SQUARE FIGHT AGAINST BRAG AND BLUSTER.

A self-organized political machine by methods not above reproach is seeking to make a man of mark out of a man of money. All this is in the face of an almost unanimous protest from the people. Let it be a square, manly fight with no division of the sentiment now prevailing among the people and Mr. Morton's candidacy will end as it began, in brag and bluster, and without its surplus of that peculiar commodity contemptuously described as boodle.

III.

HONEST MEN AGAINST A MILLIONAIRE'S MONEY.

We do not believe that all the brag and boodle that can be injected into the Morton campaign will change a single vote in the list we have given. It is a pleasure to believe that honest men can stand out against all the pressure of a millionaire's money, if that pressure shall be applied. Why is the Morton campaign, a secret fight, afraid of the light of day? R. S. V. Þ.

IV.

A DEMAND THAT HIS FREE TRADE RECORD SHOULD END HERE.

All Republicans are agreed that after fighting so nobly the battle of protection in November, the State of New York should send no free trader to the Senate of the United States. Mr. Morton cabled not long ago that he was fully committed to protection. We rejoice that the then leading candidate for the Senatorship appeared to be fully in line with Republican sentiment. But we turn to the record and find Mr. Morton on the wrong side when he was in the Forty-sixth Congress.

On the 5th of April, 1880, Mr. Richard W. Townshend, of Illinois, moved to suspend the rules and pass House bill No. 5265, which provided for repealing the duty on salt, certain chemicals and printing paper. The motion to suspend the rules was adopted by a vote of 112 to 80. Levi P. Morton followed the lead of that able Democrat and ardent free trader, Wm. R. Morrison, and voted aye.

Mr. Morton's record as a free trader offsets his cablegram as a protectionist. The Republican party wants no man in the Senate at this critical period who has the taint of free trade about him. This revelation should be the end of the Morton canvass.

V.

SENDING RICH MEN TO THE SENATE A SERIOUS EVIL.

On the 15th of January, six days later, the Journal set its artist to work again. It was just the day before the caucus nominations were made, and this was the cheerful, smiling picture its artist drew:

The presence of rich men in the Senate, chosen on account of their wealth, is becoming an evil that will in time lead to some strong revolution in public opinion. The example of New York State should and does, we believe, exert a great influence on other States.

VI.

SOUNDING A PEAN OF TRIUMPH.

On the following day Mr. Morton had been defeated, and the Journal trod on his prostrate body with this brief but exultant paragraph:

"The Morton campaign ends gloriously. It is an utter rout."

OTHER TINTS ADDED TO THE PICTURE.

WHAT LEADING REPUBLICAN PAPERS FOUND TO SAY ABOUT MORTON

AND HIS METHODS.

I.

To show that this was not a mere whim without support in the party it may be well to turn to the utterances of other Republican papers in the State and find out what they thought. The Albany Express has long been recognized as one of the most conservative and at the same time reliable newspapers of its party in the State of New York. But on January 7, 1885, it made the following declaration:

Mr. Morton conceived that his money-bags would make him a good candidate, and has declined to withdraw from the race. Under such circumstances the men who will vote for him will be marked. Something more than personal favoritism will enter into this contest. It is for these reasons that the Express has withdrawn from advocating Mr. Morton's candidacy. It would rather win with a candidate like Chauncey M. Depew, or Frank Hiscock, or Judge Russell than with a man who goes back upon his old friends and depends on his money-bags to elect him.

II.

THE KIND OF ARGUMENTS USED BY MORTON'S MANAGERS.

The Buffalo Express, published in a section of the State remote from Albany, could not stand the candidacy of Mr. Morton, in spite of its strong Republicanism. In its issue of January 10, 1885, it said of him and his henchmen:

Every effort will be made by the skilled talent which is managing the Morton campaign to break the Evarts line. These skilled manipulators of legislative votes are understood to be plentifully supplied with "financial arguments," and they may be expected to bring sore temptation to bear. Time has been that legislators have fallen before temptation of this kind and the same may happen again.

III.

DEMANDED THE DEFEAT OF THE BOODLE HUNTERS.

The Rochester Post-Express, just before the Republican Senatorial caucus in January, 1885, thus spoke of Mr. Morton's candidacy:

The candidacy of Mr. Morton is really a fight for spoils. A huge deal has been arranged. Concerned in it are some of the most unscrupulous politicians in the Republican party. They have their greedy eyes fixed upon certain important offices. Not only should the boodle hunters be defeated, but the man of brains should be elected.

IV.

LET THE BEST BRAINS OF THE COUNTRY GO TO THE SENATE.

Another Republican paper in the Western part of the State, the Clyde Times, said of Mr. Morton's candidacy in concluding a reference to the contest then pending:

The Senate Chamber should not be the place for vulgar wealth to display itself, nor should its honors be offered as a prize for which riches only can contend. We ought to keep it what our fathers intended it to be, the highest council chamber of the nation, in which our wise men, the best brains of the country, shall gather to consider great questions not only of national but of world-wide interest.

V.

THE RISING OF THE TIDE PREDICTED.

The Lockport Journal during the week before the real opening of the contest in January, 1885, said:

We believe within the coming week such [Morton] papers will note a rising public sentiment against such a money-bag candidate that will make them regret their present choice.

As this is the opinion of Mr. Morton held by political friends, and as nobody ever denied the truth of their characterizations of him, it is safe to assume that the country will never reverse their decision. If his money was not sufficient to carry him through a contest in a single State, what hope can he indulge when he attempts to spread it over the whole country?

THE CONTRAST PRESENTED BY MR. THURMAN.

As a contrast to what Mr. Morton's political friends say of him it may interest the world to read anew what Mr. Blaine said of Mr. Thurman in his "Twenty Years of Congress."

His rank in the Senate was established from the day he took his seat, and was never lowered during the period of his services. He was an admirably disciplined debater, was fair in his method of statement, logical in his argument, honest in his conclusions. He had no trick in discussion, no catch phrases to secure attention, but was always direct and manly. His mind was not preoccupied and engrossed with political contests or with affairs of State. He had natural and cultivated tastes outside of those fields. He was a discriminating reader and enjoyed not only serious books, but inclined also to the lighter indulgence of romance and poetry. These tastes illustrate the genial side of his nature and were a fitting compliment to the stronger and sterner elements of the man. His retirement from the Senate was a serious loss to his party-a loss, indeed, to the body. He left behind him the respect of all with whom he had been associated during his twelve years of honorable service.

CHAPTER XXXIX.

PARTY PLATFORMS FOR 1888.

DECLARATION OF PRINCIPLES MADE BY THE REPUBLICAN, PROHIBITION AND UNION LABOR PARTIES.

I.

REPUBLICAN PLATFORM ADOPTED IN NATIONAL CONVENTION AT CHICAGO, JUNE 21

The Republicans of the United States, assembled by their delegates in National Convention, pause on the threshold of their proceedings to honor the memory of their first great leader, the immortal champion of liberty and the rights of the people-Abraham Lincoln; and to cover, also, with wreaths of imperishable remembrance and gratitude the heroic names of our later leaders who have more recently been called away from our councils-Grant, Garfield, Arthur, Logan, Conkling. May their memories be faithfully cherished. We also recall with our greetings and with prayer for his recovery the name of one of our living heroes, whose memory will be treasured in the history both of Republicans and of the Republic-the name of that noble soldier and favorite child of victory, Philip H. Sheridan. In the spirit of those great leaders and of our own devotion to human liberty, and with that hostility to all forms of despotism and oppression which is the fundamental idea of the Republican party, we send fraternal congratulation to our fellow-Americans of Brazil upon their great act of emancipation, which completed the abolition of slavery throughout the two American continents.

We earnestly hope that we may soon congratulate our fellow-citizens of Irish birth upon the peaceful recovery of Home Rule for Ireland.

We reaffirm our unswerving devotion to the National Constitution and to the indissoluble union of the States; to the autonomy reserved to the States under the Constitution; to the personal rights and liberties of citizens in all the States and Territories in the Union, and especially to the supreme and sovereign right of every lawful citizen, rich or poor, native or foreign born, white or black, to cast one free ballot, in public elections and to have that ballot duly counted; we hold the free and honest popular ballot and the just and equal representation of all of the people to be the foundation of our republican Government and demand effective legislation to secure the integrity and purity of elections, which are the fountains of all public authority.

We charge that the present administration and the Democratic majority in Congress owe their existence to the suppression of the ballot by a criminal nullifi. cation of the Constitution and laws of the United States; we are uncompromisingly in favor of the American system of protection; we protest against its destruction, as proposed by the President and his party. They serve the interests of Europe; we will support the interests of America. We accept the issue and confidently appeal to the people for their judgment.

PARTY PLATFORMS FOR 1888.

The protective system must be maintained. Its abandonment has always been followed by general disaster to all interests except those of the usurer and the sheriff. We denounce the Mills bill as destructive to the general business, the labor and the farming interests of the country, and we heartily endorse the consistent and patriotic action of the Republican Representatives in Congress in opposing its passage. We condemn the proposition of the Democratic party to place wool on the free list, and we insist that the duties thereon shall be adjusted and maintained so as to furnish full and adequate protection to that industry.

The Republican party would effect all needed reduction of the National revenue by repealing the taxes upon tobacco, which are an annoyance and a burden to agriculture, and the tax upon the spirits used in the arts and for mechanical purposes; and by such revision of the tariff laws as will tend to check imports of such articles as are produced by our people, the production of which gives employment to our labor, and release from import duties those articles of foreign production (except luxuries), the like of which cannot be produced at home.

If there shall still remain a larger revenue than is requisite for the wants of the Government, we fator the entire repeal of internal taxes rather than the surrender of any part of our protective system, at the joint behests of the whiskey trusts and the agents of foreign manufacturers.

We declare our hostility to the introduction into this country of foreign con tract labor and of Chinese labor, alien to our civilization and Constitution, and we demand the rigid enforcement of the existing law against it, and favor such immediate legislation as will exclude such labor from our shores.

We declare our opposition to all combinations of capital organized in trusts or otherwise to control arbitrarily the condition of trade among our citizens, and we recommend to Congress and the State Legislatures, in their respective jurisdictions, such legislation as will prevent the execution of all schemes to oppress the people by undue charges on their supplies by unjust rates for the transportation of their products to market. We approve the legislation by Congress to prevent slike unjust burdens and unfair discriminations between the States.

We reaffirm the policy of appropriating the public lands of the United States to be homesteads for American citizens and settlers, not aliens, which the Republican party established in 1862 against the persistent opposition of the Democrats in Congress, and which has brought our great Western domain into such magnificent development. The restoration of unearned railroad land grants to the public domain for the use of actual settlers, which was begun under the Administration of President Arthur, should be continued. We deny that the Democratic party has ever restored one acre to the people, but declare that by the joint action of Republicans and Democrats about fifty millions of acres of unearned lands, originally granted for the construction of railroads, have been restored to the public domain in pursuance of the conditions inserted by the Republican party in the original grants. We charge the Democratic Administration with failure to execute the laws securing to settlers title to their homesteads and with using appropriations made for that purpose to harass innocent settlers with spies and prosecutions under the false pretense of exposing frauds and vindicating the law.

The government by Congress of the Territories is based upon necessity only, to the end that they may become States in the Union; therefore whenever the conditions of population, material resources, public intelligence and morals are such as to insure a stable local government therein, the people of such Territories should be permitted as a right inherent in them the right to form for themselves constitutions and State governments, and be admitted into the Union. Pending the preparation for Statehood all officers thereof should be selected from the bonafide residents and citizens of the Territory wherein they are to serve South Dakota should of right be immediately admitted as a State under the constitution framed and adopted by her people, and we heartily endorse the action of the Republican Senate in twice passing bills for her admission. The refusal of the Democratic House of Representatives, for partisan purposes, to favorably consider these bills is a willful violation of the sacred American principle of local self government, and merits the condemnation of all just men. The pending bills in the Senate for acts to enable